影响美国历史进程的演讲鉴赏（双语）——管中窥豹：从孤立走向霸权的美国（上）

李春霞

课 程 计 划

一、课程背景

马克思说，人类只有一门科学，那就是历史。历史构成的要素很多。从不同的要素角度了解历史，会使人感悟到历史的丰富与生动。美国从建国斗争开始，就崇尚演讲。在其历史进程的许多关键时刻，几乎都出现了著名的演讲。这些演讲既是历史的产物，又推动、影响着美国历史的进程。同时它们又是语言文学学习的好素材。

二、课程目标

1．作为历史文献教学目标：主要是帮助学生了解各篇演讲的背景、涉及的问题以及它的影响；

作为语文、英语文学教学目标：侧重于帮助学生赏析语言文学，提高文学素养；

2．丰富学生历史学习的感性材料；

3．提高学生对演讲的认识水平和演讲能力；

4．提高学生搜集并分析史料的能力。

三、课程内容及安排

本课程拟安排14课时，每课用两课时。每课内容分①历史背景及影响 ②听力：朗读带 ③译文串讲 ④鉴赏提示

具体安排如下：

第一课  不自由，毋宁死   （Give Me Liberty Or Give Me Death ——by Patrick Henry）

第二课  告别演说（The Farewell Address ——by George Washington.）

第三课  葛底斯堡演讲（The Gettysburg Address ——by Abraham Lincoln） 

第四课  十四点 （The Fourteen Points ——by Woodrow Wilson）

第五课  第一次就职演说（First Inaugural Address ——by Franklin Delano Roosevelt）

第六课  请宣布对日作战（Pearl Harbor Address to the Nation ——by Franklin Delano Roosevelt ）

第七课  杜鲁门主义（"The Truman Doctrine" 12 March 1947 ——by Harry S. Truman）

四、课程方法

听录音或朗读、赏析讨论、自学翻译、演讲实践

五、课程评价

1．构成与比例：个性研读50%，参与度30%，出勤20%；

2．方法：个性研读，成果汇报，根据优劣打A、B、C、D四等；参与度，教师视平时观察，也打A、B、C、D四等；出勤，根据出勤记录，课代表给与评价，分A、B、C、D四等。最后合计，给每个选课者得出本课程的成绩等第。

目    录

第一课  不自由，毋宁死

（Give Me Liberty Or Give Me Death ——by Patrick Henry）----------------------------- 1

第二课  告别演说

（The Farewell Address ——by George Washington.）-------------------------------------- 5

第三课  葛底斯堡演讲

（The Gettysburg Address ——by Abraham Lincoln）-------------------------------------- 19

第四课  十四点

（The Fourteen Points ——by Woodrow Wilson）------------------------------------------- 21

第五课  第一次就职演说

（First Inaugural Address ——by Franklin Delano Roosevelt）----------------------------- 26

第六课  请宣布对日作战

（Pearl Harbor Address to the Nation ——by Franklin Delano Roosevelt ）-------------- 32

第七课  杜鲁门主义

（"The Truman Doctrine" 12 March 1947 ——by Harry S. Truman）----------------------- 35

第一课    不自由，毋宁死

（Give Me Liberty Or Give Me Death   March 23, 1775.）

帕特里克·亨利（Patrick Henry）

No man thinks more highly than I do of the patriotism, as well as abilities, of the very worthy gentlemen who have just addressed the House. But different men often see the same subject in different lights; and, therefore, I hope it will not be thought disrespectful to those gentlemen if, entertaining as I do opinions of a character very opposite to theirs, I shall speak forth my sentiments freely and without reserve. This is no time for ceremony. The questing before the House is one of awful moment to this country. For my own part, I consider it as nothing less than a question of freedom or slavery; and in proportion to the magnitude of the subject ought to be the freedom of the debate. It is only in this way that we can hope to arrive at truth, and fulfill the great responsibility which we hold to God and our country. Should I keep back my opinions at such a time, through fear of giving offense, I should consider myself as guilty of treason towards my country, and of an act of disloyalty toward the Majesty of Heaven, which I revere above all earthly kings.

Mr. President, it is natural to man to indulge in the illusions of hope. We are apt to shut our eyes against a painful truth, and listen to the song of that siren till she transforms us into beasts. Is this the part of wise men, engaged in a great and arduous struggle for liberty? Are we disposed to be of the number of those who, having eyes, see not, and, having ears, hear not, the things which so nearly concern their temporal salvation? For my part, whatever anguish of spirit it may cost, I am willing to know the whole truth; to know the worst, and to provide for it.

I have but one lamp by which my feet are guided, and that is the lamp of experience. I know of no way of judging of the future but by the past. And judging by the past, I wish to know what there has been in the conduct of the British ministry for the last ten years to justify those hopes with which gentlemen have been pleased to solace themselves and the House. Is it that insidious smile with which our petition has been lately received? Trust it not, sir; it will prove a snare to your feet. Suffer not yourselves to be betrayed with a kiss. Ask yourselves how this gracious reception of our petition comports with those warlike preparations which cover our waters and darken our land. Are fleets and armies necessary to a work of love and reconciliation? Have we shown ourselves so unwilling to be reconciled that force must be called in to win back our love? Let us not deceive ourselves, sir. These are the implements of war and subjugation; the last arguments to which kings resort. I ask gentlemen, sir, what means this martial array, if its purpose be not to force us to submission? Can gentlemen assign any other possible motive for it? Has Great Britain any enemy, in this quarter of the world, to call for all this accumulation of navies and armies? No, sir, she has none. They are meant for us: they can be meant for no other. They are sent over to bind and rivet upon us those chains which the British ministry have been so long forging. And what have we to oppose to them? Shall we try argument? Sir, we have been trying that for the last ten years. Have we anything new to offer upon the subject? Nothing. We have held the subject up in every light of which it is capable; but it has been all in vain. Shall we resort to entreaty and humble supplication? What terms shall we find which have not been already exhausted? Let us not, I beseech you, sir, deceive ourselves. Sir, we have done everything that could be done to avert the storm which is now coming on. We have petitioned; we have remonstrated; we have supplicated; we have prostrated ourselves before the throne, and have implored its interposition to arrest the tyrannical hands of the ministry and Parliament. Our petitions have been slighted; our remonstrances have produced additional violence and insult; our supplications have been disregarded; and we have been spurned, with contempt, from the foot of the throne! In vain, after these things, may we indulge the fond hope of peace and reconciliation. There is no longer any room for hope. If we wish to be free-- if we mean to preserve inviolate those inestimable privileges for which we have been so long contending--if we mean not basely to abandon the noble struggle in which we have been so long engaged, and which we have pledged ourselves never to abandon until the glorious object of our contest shall be obtained--we must fight! I repeat it, sir, we must fight! An appeal to arms and to the God of hosts is all that is left us!

They tell us, sir, that we are weak; unable to cope with so formidable an adversary. But when shall we be stronger? Will it be the next week, or the next year? Will it be when we are totally disarmed, and when a British guard shall be stationed in every house? Shall we gather strength by irresolution and inaction? Shall we acquire the means of effectual resistance by lying supinely on our backs and hugging the delusive phantom of hope, until our enemies shall have bound us hand and foot? Sir, we are not weak if we make a proper use of those means which the God of nature hath placed in our power. The millions of people, armed in the holy cause of liberty, and in such a country as that which we possess, are invincible by any force which our enemy can send against us. Besides, sir, we shall not fight our battles alone. There is a just God who presides over the destinies of nations, and who will raise up friends to fight our battles for us. The battle, sir, is not to the strong alone; it is to the vigilant, the active, the brave. Besides, sir, we have no election. If we were base enough to desire it, it is now too late to retire from the contest. There is no retreat but in submission and slavery! Our chains are forged! Their clanking may be heard on the plains of Boston! The war is inevitable--and let it come! I repeat it, sir, let it come.

It is in vain, sir, to extenuate the matter. Gentlemen may cry, Peace, Peace-- but there is no peace. The war is actually begun! The next gale that sweeps from the north will bring to our ears the clash of resounding arms! Our brethren are already in the field! Why stand we here idle? What is it that gentlemen wish? What would they have? Is life so dear, or peace so sweet, as to be purchased at the price of chains and slavery? Forbid it, Almighty God! I know not what course others may take; but as for me, give me liberty or give me death!

背景与影响

帕特里克·亨利（Patrick Henry 1736—1799）北美地区最成功的律师，著名的政治家和演说家。

《不自由，毋宁死》这篇脍炙人口的演说在美国革命文献史上占有特殊地位。其时，北美殖民地正面临历史性抉择——要么拿起武器，争取独立；要么妥协让步，甘受奴役。亨利以敏锐的政治家眼光，饱满的爱国激情，以铁的事实驳斥了主和派的种种谬误，阐述了武装斗争的必要性和可能性。当他演讲结束，会场群情激愤，“拿起武器！拿起武器！” 的呼喊声响彻整个议会大厅从此，“不自由，毋宁死”的口号激励了千百万北美人为自由独立而战，直至胜利。这篇演说也成为世界演说的不朽名篇。

参考译文

（公元1775年3月23日）

议长先生：

    我比任何人更钦佩刚刚在议会上发言的先生们的爱国精神和才能。但是，对同一事物的看法往往因人而异。因此，尽管我的观点与他们截然不同，我还是要毫无保留地、自由地予以阐述，并且希望不要因此而被视作对先生们的不敬；现在不是讲客气的时候。摆在议会代表们面前的问题关系到国家的存亡。我认为，这是关系到享受自由还是蒙受奴役的大问题，而且正由于它事关重大，我们的辩论就必须做到各抒已见。只有这样，我们才有可能弄清事实真相，才能不辜负上帝和祖国赋予我们的重任。在这种时刻，如果怕冒犯别人而闲口不言，我认为就是叛国，就是对比世间所有国君更为神圣的上帝的不忠。

    议长先生，对希望抱有幻觉是人的天性。我们易于闭起眼睛不愿正视痛苦的现实，并倾听海妖惑人的歌声，让她把我们化作禽兽。在为自由而进行艰苦卓绝的斗争中，这难道是有理智的人的作为吗？难道我们愿意成为对获得自由这样休戚相关的事视而不见，充耳不闻的人吗？就我来说，无论在精神上有多么痛苦，我仍然愿意了解全部事实真相和最坏的事态，并为之做好充分准备。

    我只有一盏指路明灯，那就是经验之灯。除了过去的经验，我没有什么别的方法可以判断未来。而依据过去的经验，我倒希望知道，10年来英国政府的所作所为，凭什么足以使各位先生有理由满怀希望，并欣然用来安慰自己和议会？难道就是最近接受我们请愿时的那种狡诈的微笑吗？不要相信这种微笑，先生，事实已经证明它是你们脚边的陷阶。

    不要被人家的亲吻出卖吧！请你们自问，接受我们请愿时的和气亲善和遍布我们海陆疆域的大规模备战如何能够相称？难道出于对我们的爱护与和解，有必要动用战舰和军队吗？难道我们流露过决不和解的愿望，以至为了赢回我们的爱，而必须诉诸武力吗？我们不要再欺骗自己了，先生。这些都是战争和征服的工具，是国王采取的最后论辩手殷。我要请问先生们，这些战争部署如果不是为了迫使我们就范，那又意味着什么？哪位先生能够指出有其他动机？难道在世界的这一角，还有别的敌人值得大不列颠如此兴师动众，集结起庞大的海陆武装吗？不，先生们，没有任何敌人了。一切都是针对我们的，而不是别人。他们是派来给我们套紧那条由英国政府长期以来铸造的锁链的。

    我们应该如何进行抵抗呢？还靠辩论吗？先生，我们已经辩论了10年了。难道还有什么新的御敌之策吗？没有了。我们已经从各方面经过了考虑，但一切都是枉然。难道我们还要苦苦哀告，卑词乞求吗？难道我们还有什么更好盼策略没有使用过吗？先生，我请求你们，千万不要再自欺欺人了。为了阻止这场即将来临的风暴，一切该做的都已经做了。我们请愿过，我们抗议过，我们哀求过；我们曾拜倒在英王御座前，恳成他制止国会和内阁的残暴行径。可是，我们的请愿受到蔑视，我们的抗议反而招致更多的镇压和侮辱，我们的哀求被置之不理。我们被轻蔑地从御座边一脚踢开了。事到如今，我们怎么还能沉迷于虚无缥渺的和平希望之中呢？没有任何希望的余地了。假如我们想获得自由，并维护我们长期以来为之献身的崇高权利，假如我们不愿彻底放弃我们多年来的斗争，不获全胜，决不收兵。那么，我们就必须战斗！我再重复一遍，我们必须战斗！我们只有诉诸武力，只有求助于万军之主的上帝。

议长先生，他们说我们太弱小了，无法抵御如此强大的敌人。但是我们何时才能强大起来？是下周，还是明年？难道要等到我们被彻底解除武装，家家户户都驻扎英国士兵的时候？难道我们犹豫迟疑、无所作为就能积聚起力量吗？难道我们高枕而卧，抱着虚幻的希望，待到敌人捆住了我们的千脚，就能找到有效的御敌之策了吗？先生们，只要我们能妥善地利用自然之神赐予我们的力量，我们就不弱小。一旦300万人民为了神圣的自由事业，在自己的国土上武装起来，那么任何敌人都无法战胜我们，此外，我们并非孤军作战，公正的上帝主宰着各国的命运，他将号召朋友们为我们而战，先生们，战争的胜利并非只属于强者。它将属于那些机警、主动和勇敢的人们。阿况我们已经别无选择。即使我们没有骨气，想退出战斗，也为时已晚。

退路已经切断，除非甘受屈辱和奴役。囚禁我们的咖锁已经铸成。叮叮的镣铐声已经在波士顿草原上回响。战争已经无可避免——让它来吧！我重复一遍，先生，让它来吧！企图使事态得到缓和是徒劳的。各位先生可以高喊：和平！和平！但根本不存在和平。战斗实际上已经打响。从北方刮来的风暴将把武器的铿锵回响传到我们耳中。我们的弟兄已经奔赴战场！我们为什么还要站在这里袖手旁观呢？先生们想要做什么？他们会得到什么？难道生命就这么可贵，和平就这么甜蜜，竟值得以镣铐和奴役作为代价？全能的上帝啊，制止他们这样做吧！我不知道别人会如何行事；至于我，不自由，毋宁死！

鉴赏提示

为了使议员们接受自己的主张，争取各方面的理解和支持，亨利在演讲时十分注意策略，采取了后发制人逐层推进的方法。请你举例说明。

他谙熟口语表达的特点，使用了大量的排比、呼告、设问、以及感叹、长短句交错等手法，强化了表现手法，也强化了听觉效果。以最后一段为例反复诵读、演讲来体会。

第二课    告 别 演 说

（The Farewell Address  Sepertember 17,1796.）

乔治·华盛顿   (George Washington)

Friends and Fellow-Citizens:

    The period for a new election of a citizen, to administer the executive government of the United States, being not far distant, and the time actually arrived, when your thoughts must be employed designating the person, who is to be clothed with that important trust, it appears to me proper, especially as it may conduce to a more distinct expression of the public voice, that I should now apprize you of the resolution I have formed, to decline being considered among the number of those out of whom a choice is to be made.

I beg you at the same time to do me the justice to be assured that this resolution has not been taken without a strict regard to all the considerations appertaining to the relation which binds a dutiful citizen to his country; and that in withdrawing the tender of service, which silence in my situation might imply, I am influenced by no diminution of  zeal for your future interest, no deficiency of grateful respect for your past kindness, but am supported by a full conviction that the step is compatible with both.

The acceptance of, and continuance hitherto in, the office to which your suffrages have twice called me, have been a uniform sacrifice of inclination to the opinion of duty, and to a deference for what appeared to be your desire. I constantly hoped, that it would have been much earlier in my power, consistently with motives, which I was not at liberty to disregard, to return to that retirement, from which I had been reluctantly drawn. The strength of my inclination to do this, previous to the last election, had even led to the preparation of an address to declare it to you; but mature reflection on the then perplexed and critical posture of our affairs with foreign nations, and the unanimous advice of persons entitled to my confidence impelled me to abandon the idea.

I rejoice, that the state of your concerns, external as well as internal, no longer renders the pursuit of inclination incompatible with the sentiment of duty, or propriety; and am persuaded, whatever partiality may be retained for my

services, that, in the present circumstances of our country, you will not disapprove my determination to retire.

The impressions, with which I first undertook the arduous trust, were explained on the proper occasion. In the discharge of this trust, I will only say, that I have, with good intentions, contributed towards the organization and administration of the government the best exertions of which a very fallible judgment was capable. Not unconscious, in the outset, of the inferiority of my qualifications, experience in my own eyes, perhaps still more in the eyes of others, has strengthened the motives to diffidence of myself; and every day the increasing weight of years admonishes me more and more, that the shade of retirement is as necessary to me as it will be welcome. Satisfied, that, if any circumstances have given peculiar value to my services, they were temporary, I have the consolation to believe, that, while choice and prudence invite me to quit the political scene, patriotism does not forbid it.

    In looking forward to the moment, which is intended toterminate the career of my public life, my feelings do not permit me to suspend the deep acknowledgment of that debt of gratitude, which I owe to my beloved country for the many honors it has conferred upon me; still more for the steadfast  confidence with which it has supported me; and for the opportunities I have thence enjoyed of manifesting my inviolable attachment, by services faithful and persevering, though in usefulness unequal to my zeal. If benefits have resulted to our country from these services, let it always be remembered to your praise, and as an instructive example in our annals, that under circumstances in which the passions, agitated in every direction, were liable to mislead, amidst appearances sometimes dubious, vicissitudes of fortune often discouraging, in situations in which not unfrequently want of success has countenanced the spirit of criticism, the constancy of your support was the essential prop of the efforts, and a guarantee of the plans by which they were effected. Profoundly penetrated with this idea, I shall carry it with me to my grave, as a strong incitement to unceasing vows that Heaven may continue to you the choicest tokens of its beneficence; that your union and brotherly affection may be perpetual; that the free constitution, which is the work of your hands, may be sacredly maintained; that its administration in every department may be stamped with wisdom and virtue; than, in fine, the happiness of the people of these States, under the auspices of liberty, may be made complete, by so careful a preservation and so prudent a use of  this blessing, as will acquire to them the glory of  recommending it to the applause, the affection, and adoption of every nation, which is yet a stranger to it.

    Here, perhaps I ought to stop. But a solicitude for your welfare which cannot end but with my life, and the apprehension of danger, natural to that solicitude, urge me, on an occasion like the present, to offer to your solemn contemplation, and to recommend to your frequent review, some sentiments which are the result of much reflection, of no inconsiderable observation, and which appear to me all-important to the permanency of your felicity as a people.

    These will be offered to you with the more freedom, as you can only see in them the disinterested warnings of a parting  friend, who can possibly have no personal motive to bias his counsel. Nor can I forget, as an encouragement to it, your  indulgent reception of my sentiments on a former and not dissimilar occasion.

    Interwoven as is the love of liberty with every ligament of your hearts, no recommendation of mine is necessary to fortify or confirm the attachment.

    The unity of Government, which constitutes you one people, is also now dear to you. It is justly so; for it is a main pillar in the edifice of your real independence, the support of your tranquillity at home, your peace abroad; of your safety; of your prosperity; of that very Liberty, which you so highly prize. But as it is easy to foresee, that, from different causes and from different quarters, much pains will be taken, many artifices employed, to weaken in your minds the conviction of this truth; as this is the point in your political fortress against which the batteries of internal and external enemies will be most constantly and actively (though often covertly and insidiously) directed, it is of infinite moment, that you should properly estimate the immense value of your national Union to your collective and individual happiness; that you should cherish a cordial, habitual, and immovable attachment to it; accustoming yourselves to thinkand speak of it as of the Palladium of your political safety and prosperity; watching for its preservation with jealous anxiety; discountenancing whatever may suggest even a suspicion, that it can in any event be abandoned; and indignantly frowning upon the first dawning of every attempt to alienate any portion of our country from the rest, or to enfeeble the sacred ties which now link together the various parts.

    For this you have every inducement of sympathy and interest. Citizens, by birth or choice, of a common country, that  country has a right to concentrate your affections. The name of american, which belongs to you, in your national capacity, must always exalt the just pride of Patriotism, more than any appellation derived from local discriminations. With slight shades of difference, you have the same religion, manners, habits, and political principles. You have in a common cause fought and triumphed together; the Independence and Liberty you possess are the work of joint counsels, and joint efforts, of common dangers, sufferings, and successes.

    But these considerations, however powerfully they address themselves to your sensibility, are greatly outweighed by those, which apply more immediately to your interest. Here every portion of our country finds the most commanding motives for carefully guarding and preserving the Union of the whole. The North, in an unrestrained intercourse with the South, protected by the equal laws of a common government, finds, in the productions of the latter, great additional resources of maritime and commercial enterprise and precious materials of manufacturing industry. The South, in the same intercourse, benefiting by the agency of the North, sees its agriculture grow and its commerce expand. Turning partly into its own channels the seamen of the North, it finds its particular navigation invigorated; and, while it contributes, in different ways, to nourish and increase the general mass of the national navigation, it looks forward to the protection of a maritime strength, to which itself is unequally adapted. The East, in a like intercourse with the West, already finds, and in the progressive improvement of interior communications by land and water, will more and more find, a valuable vent for the commodities which it brings from abroad, or manufactures at home. The West derives from the East supplies requisite to its growth and comfort, and, what is perhaps of still greater consequence, it must of necessity owe the secure enjoyment of indispensable outlets for its own productions to the weight, influence, and the future maritime strength of the Atlantic side of the Union, directed by an indissoluble community of interest as one nation. Any other tenure by which the West can hold this essential advantage, whether derived from its own separate strength, or from an apostate and unnatural connexion with any foreign power, must be intrinsically precarious.

    While, then, every part of our country thus feels an immediate and particular interest in Union, all the parts combined  cannot fail to find in the united mass of means and efforts greater strength, greater resource, proportionably greater security from external danger, a less frequent interruption of their peace by foreign nations; and, what is of inestimable  value, they must derive from Union an exemption from those broils and wars between themselves, which so frequently afflict neighbouring countries not tied together by the same governments, which their own rivalships alone would be sufficient to produce, but which opposite foreign alliances, attachments, and intrigues would stimulate and embitter.

    Hence, likewise, they will avoid the necessity of those overgrown military establishments, which, under any form of government, are inauspicious to liberty, and which are to be regarded as particularly hostile to Republican Liberty. In this sense it is, that your Union ought to be considered as a main prop of your liberty, and that the love of the one ought to endear to you the preservation of the other.

    These considerations speak a persuasive language to every reflecting and virtuous mind, and exhibit the continuance of the union as a primary object of Patriotic desire. Is there a doubt, whether a common government can embrace so large a sphere? Let experience solve it. To listen to mere speculation in such a case were criminal. We are authorized to hope, that a proper organization of the whole, with the auxiliary agency of governments for the respective subdivisions, will afford a happy issue to the experiment. It is well worth a fair and full experiment. With such powerful and obvious motives to Union, affecting all parts of our country, while experience shall not have demonstrated its impracticability, there will always be reason to distrust the patriotism of those, who in any quarter may endeavour to weaken its bands.

    In contemplating the causes, which may disturb our Union, it occurs as matter of serious concern, that any ground should have been furnished for characterizing parties by Geographical discriminations, Northern and Southern, Atlantic and Western; whence designing men may endeavour to excite a belief, that there is a real difference of local interests and views. One of the expedients of party to acquire influence, within particular districts, is to misrepresent the opinions and aims of other districts. You cannot shield yourselves too much against the jealousies and heart-burnings, which spring from these misrepresentations; they tend to render alien to each other those, who ought to be bound together by fraternal affection. The inhabitants of our western country have lately had a useful lesson on this head; they have seen, in the negotiation by the Executive, and in the unanimous ratification by the Senate, of the treaty with Spain, and in  the universal satisfaction at that event, throughout the United States, a decisive proof how unfounded were the suspicions propagated among them of a policy in the General Government and in the Atlantic States unfriendly to their interests in regard to the mississippi; they have been witnesses to the formation of two treaties, that with Great Britain, and that with Spain, which secure to them every thing they could desire, in respect to our foreign relations, towards confirming their prosperity. Will it not be their wisdom to rely for the preservation of these advantages on the union by which they were procured? Will they not henceforth be deaf to those advisers, if such there are, who would sever them from their brethren, and connect them with aliens?

    To the efficacy and permanency of your Union, a Government for the whole is indispensable. No alliances, however strict, between the parts can be an adequate substitute; they must inevitably experience the infractions and interruptions, which  all alliances in all times have experienced. Sensible of this momentous truth, you have improved upon your first essay, by the adoption of a Constitution of Government better calculated than your former for an intimate Union, and for the efficacious management of your common concerns. This Government, the offspring of our own choice, uninfluenced and unawed, adopted upon full investigation and mature deliberation, completely free in its principles, in the distribution of its powers, uniting security with energy, and  containing within itself a provision for its own amendment, has a just claim to your confidence and your support. Respect for its authority, compliance with its laws, acquiescence in its measures, are duties enjoined by the fundamental maxims of true Liberty. The basis of our political systems is the right of the people to make and to alter their Constitutions of Government. But the Constitution which at any time exists, till changed by an explicit and authentic act of the whole people, is sacredly obligatory upon all. The very idea of the power and the right of the people to establish Government presupposes the duty of every individual to obey the established Government.

    All obstructions to the execution of the Laws, all combinations and associations, under whatever plausible character, with the real design to direct, control, counteract, or awe the regular deliberation and action of the constituted authorities, are destructive of this fundamental  principle, and of fatal tendency. They serve to organize faction, to give it an artificial and extraordinary force; to put, in the place of the delegated will of the nation, the will of a party, often a small but artful and enterprising minority of the community; and, according to the alternate triumphs of different parties, to make the public administration the mirror of the ill-concerted and incongruous projects of faction, rather than the organ of consistent and  wholesome plans digested by common counsels, and modified by mutual interests.

    However combinations or associations of the above description may now and then answer popular ends, they are likely, in the course of time and things, to become potent engines, by which cunning, ambitious, and unprincipled men will be enabled to subvert the power of the people, and to usurp for themselves the reins of government; destroying afterwards the very engines, which have lifted them to unjust dominion.

    Towards the preservation of your government, and the permanency of your present happy state, it is requisite, not only that you steadily discountenance irregular oppositions to its acknowledged authority, but also that you resist with care  the spirit of innovation upon its principles, however specious the pretexts. One method of assault may be to effect, in the  forms of the constitution, alterations, which will impair the energy of the system, and thus to undermine what cannot be directly overthrown. In all the changes to which you may be invited, remember that time and habit are at least as necessary to fix the true character of governments, as of other human institutions; that experience is the surest standard, by which to test the real tendency of the existing constitution of a country; that facility in changes, upon the credit of mere hypothesis and opinion, exposes to perpetual change, from the endless variety of hypothesis and opinion; and remember, especially, that, for the efficient management of our common interests, in a country so extensive as ours, a government of as much vigor as is consistent with the perfect security of liberty is indispensable. Liberty itself will find in such a government, with powers properly distributed and adjusted, its surest guardian. It is, indeed, little else than a name, where the government is too feeble to withstand the enterprises of faction, to confine each member of the society within the limits prescribed by the laws, and to maintain all in the secure and tranquil enjoyment of the rights of person and property.

    I have already intimated to you the danger of parties in the state, with particular reference to the founding of them on geographical discriminations. Let me now take a more comprehensive view, and warn you in the most solemn manner against the baneful effects of the spirit of party, generally.

    This spirit, unfortunately, is inseparable from our nature, having its root in the strongest passions of the human mind. It exists under different shapes in all governments, more or less stifled, controlled, or repressed; but, in those of the popular form, it is seen in its greatest rankness, and is truly their worst enemy.

    The alternate domination of one faction over another, sharpened by the spirit of revenge, natural to party dissension, which in different ages and countries has perpetrated the most horrid enormities, is itself a frightful despotism. But this leads at length to a more formal and  permanent despotism. The disorders and miseries, which result, gradually incline the minds of men to seek security and repose in the absolute power of an individual; and sooner or laterthe chief of some prevailing faction, more able or more fortunate than his competitors, turns this disposition to the purposes of his own elevation, on the ruins of Public Liberty.

    Without looking forward to an extremity of this kind, (which nevertheless ought not to be entirely out of sight,) the common and continual mischiefs of the spirit of party are sufficient to make it the interest and duty of a wise people  to discourage and restrain it.

    It serves always to distract the Public Councils, and enfeeble  the Public Administration. It agitates the Community with ill-founded jealousies and false alarms; kindles the animosity  of one part against another, foments occasionally riot and insurrection. It opens the door to foreign influence and corruption, which find a facilitated access to the government itself through the channels of party passions. Thus the policy  and the will of one country are subjected to the policy and  will of another.

    There is an opinion, that parties in free countries are useful checks upon the administration of the Government, and serve to keep alive the spirit of Liberty. This within certain limits is probably true; and in Governments of a Monarchical cast, Patriotism may look with indulgence, if not with favor, upon the spirit of party. But in those of the popular character, in Governments purely elective, it is a spirit not to be encouraged. From their natural tendency, it is certain there will always be enough of that spirit for every salutary purpose. And, there being constant danger of excess, the effort ought to be, by force of public opinion, to mitigate and assuage it. A fire not to be quenched, it demands a uniform vigilance to prevent its bursting into a flame, lest, instead of warming, it should consume.

    It is important, likewise, that the habits of thinking in a free country should inspire caution, in those intrusted with its administration, to confine themselves within their respective constitutional spheres, avoiding in the exercise of the powers of one department to encroach upon another. The spirit of encroachment tends to consolidate the powers of all the departments in one, and thus to create, whatever the form of government, a real despotism. A just estimate of that love of power, and proneness to abuse it, which predominates in the human heart, is sufficient to satisfy us of the truth of this position. The necessity of reciprocal checks in the exercise of political power, by dividing and distributing it into different depositories, and constituting each the Guardian of the Public Weal against invasions by the others, has been evinced by experiments ancient and modern; some of them in our country and under our own eyes. To preserve them must be as necessary as to institute them. If, in the opinion of the people, the distribution or modification of the constitutional powers be in any particular wrong, let it be corrected by an amendment in the way, which the constitution designates. But let there be no change by usurpation; for, though this, in one instance, may be the instrument of good, it is the customary weapon by which free governments are destroyed. The precedent must always greatly overbalance in permanent evil any partial or transient benefit, which the use can at any time yield.

    Of all the dispositions and habits, which lead to political prosperity, Religion and Morality are indispensable supports. In vain would that man claim the tribute of Patriotism, who should labor to subvert these great pillars of human happiness, these firmest props of the duties of Men and Citizens. The mere Politician, equally with the pious man, ought to respect and to cherish them. A volume could not trace all their connexions with private and public felicity. Let it simply be asked, Where is the security for property, for reputation, for life, if the sense of religious obligation desert the oaths, which are the instruments of investigation in Courts of Justice? And let us with caution indulge the supposition, that morality can be maintained without religion. Whatever may be conceded to the influence of refined education on minds of peculiar structure, reason and experience both forbid us to expect, that national morality can prevail in exclusion of religious principle.

    It is substantially true, that virtue or morality is a necessary spring of popular government. The rule, indeed, extends with more or less force to every species of free government. Who, that is a sincere friend to it, can look with  indifference upon attempts to shake the foundation of the fabric ?

    Promote, then, as an object of primary importance, institutions for the general diffusion of knowledge. In proportion as the structure of a government gives force to public opinion, it is essential that public opinion should be enlightened.

    As a very important source of strength and security, cherish public credit. One method of preserving it is, to use it as sparingly as possible; avoiding occasions of expense by cultivating peace, but remembering also that timely disbursements to prepare for danger frequently prevent much greater disbursements to repel it; avoiding likewise the accumulation of debt, not only by shunning occasions of expense, but by vigorous exertions in time of peace to discharge the debts, which unavoidable wars may have occasioned, not ungenerously throwing upon posterity the burthen, which we ourselves ought to bear. The execution of these maxims belongs to your representatives, but it is necessary that public opinion should cooperate. To facilitate to them the performance of their duty, it is essential that you should practically bear in mind, that towards the payment of debts there must be Revenue; that to have Revenue there must be taxes; that no taxes can be devised, which are not more or less inconvenient and unpleasant; that the intrinsic embarrassment, inseparable from the selection of the proper objects (which is always a choice of difficulties), ought to be a decisive motive for a candid construction of the conduct of the government in making it, and for a spirit of acquiescence in the measures for obtaining revenue, which the public exigencies may at any time dictate.

    Observe good faith and justice towards all Nations; cultivate peace and harmony with all. Religion and Morality enjoin this conduct; and can it be, that good policy does not equally enjoin it? It will be worthy of a free, enlightened, and, at no distant period, a great Nation, to give to mankind the magnanimous and too novel example of a people always guided by an exalted justice and benevolence. Who can doubt, that, in the course of time and things, the fruits of such a plan would richly repay any temporary advantages, which might be lost by a steady adherence to it ? Can it be, that Providence has not connected the permanent felicity of a Nation with its Virtue? The experiment, at least, is recommended by every sentiment which ennobles human nature. Alas! is it rendered impossible by its vices ?

    In the execution of such a plan, nothing is more essential, than that permanent, inveterate antipathies against particular Nations, and passionate attachments for others, should be excluded; and that, in place of them, just and amicable feelings towards all should be cultivated. The Nation, which indulges towards another an habitual hatred, or an habitual fondness, is in some degree a slave. It is a slave to its animosity or to its affection, either of which is sufficient to lead it astray from its duty and its interest. Antipathy in one nation against another disposes each more readily to offer insult and injury, to lay hold of slight causes of umbrage, and to be haughty and intractable, when accidental or trifling occasions of dispute occur. Hence frequent collisions, obstinate, envenomed, and bloody contests. The Nation, prompted by ill-will and resentment, sometimes impels to war the Government, contrary to the best calculations of policy.

    The Government sometimes participates in the national propensity, and adopts through passion what reason would reject; at other times, it makes the animosity of the nation subservient to projects of hostility instigated by pride, ambition, and other sinister and pernicious motives. The peace often, sometimes perhaps the liberty, of Nations has been the victim.

    So likewise, a passionate attachment of one Nation for another  produces a variety of evils. Sympathy for the favorite Nation, facilitating the illusion of an imaginary common interest, in cases where no real common interest exists, and infusing into one the enmities of the other, betrays the former into a participation in the quarrels and wars of the latter, without adequate inducement or justification. It leads also to concessions to the favorite Nation of privileges denied to others, which is apt doubly to injure the Nation making the concessions; by unnecessarily parting with what ought to have been retained; and by exciting jealousy, ill-will, and a disposition to retaliate, in the parties from whom equal privileges are withheld. And it gives to ambitious, corrupted, or deluded citizens, (who devote themselves to the favorite nation,) facility to betray or sacrifice the interests of their own country, without odium, sometimes even with popularity; gilding, with the appearances of a virtuous sense of obligation, a commendable deference for public opinion, or a laudable zeal for public good, the base or foolish compliances of ambition, corruption, or infatuation. As avenues to foreign influence in innumerable ways, such attachments are particularly alarming to the truly enlightened and independent Patriot. How many opportunities do they afford to tamper with domestic factions, to practise the arts of seduction, to mislead public opinion, to influence or awe the Public Councils! Such an attachment of a small or weak, towards a great and powerful nation, dooms the former to be the satellite of the latter.

    Against the insidious wiles of foreign influence (I conjure you to believe me, fellow-citizens,) the jealousy of a free people ought to be constantly awake; since history and experience prove, that foreign influence is one of the most baneful foes of Republican Government. But that jealousy, to be useful, must be impartial; else it becomes the instrument of the very influence to be avoided, instead of a defence against it. Excessive partiality for one foreign nation, and excessive dislike of another, cause those whom they actuate to see danger only on one side, and serve to veil and even second the arts of influence on the other. Real patriots, who may resist the intrigues of the favorite, are liable to become suspected and odious; while its tools and dupes usurp the applause and confidence of the people, to surrender their interests.

    The great rule of conduct for us, in regard to foreign nations, is, in extending our commercial relations, to have  with them as little political connexion as possible. So far as we have already formed engagements, let them be fulfilled with perfect good faith. Here let us stop.

    Europe has a set of primary interests, which to us have none, or a very remote relation. Hence she must be engaged in frequent controversies, the causes of which are essentially foreign to our concerns. Hence, therefore, it must be unwise  in us to implicate ourselves, by artificial ties, in the ordinary vicissitudes of her politics, or the ordinary combinations and collisions of her friendships or enmities.

    Our detached and distant situation invites and enables us to pursue a different course. If we remain one people, under an efficient government, the period is not far off, when we may defy material injury from external annoyance; when we may take such an attitude as will cause the neutrality, we may at any time resolve upon, to be scrupulously respected; when belligerent nations, under the impossibility of making acquisitions upon us, will not lightly hazard the giving us provocation; when we may choose peace or war, as our interest, guided by justice, shall counsel.

    Why forego the advantages of so peculiar a situation? Why quit our own to stand upon foreign ground? Why, by interweaving our destiny with that of any part of Europe, entangle our peace  and prosperity in the toils of European ambition, rivalship, interest, humor, or caprice?

    It is our true policy to steer clear of permanent alliances with any portion of the foreign world; so far, I mean, as we are now at liberty to do it; for let me not be understood as capable of patronizing infidelity to existing engagements. I hold the maxim no less applicable to public than to private affairs, that honesty is always the best policy. I repeat it, therefore, let those engagements be observed in their genuine sense. But, in my opinion, it is unnecessary and would be unwise to extend them.

    Taking care always to keep ourselves, by suitable establishments, on a respectable defensive posture, we may safely trust to temporary alliances for extraordinary emergencies.

    Harmony, liberal intercourse with all nations, are recommended by policy, humanity, and interest. But even our commercial policy should hold an equal and impartial hand; neither seeking nor granting exclusive favors or preferences; consulting the natural course of things; diffusing and diversifying by gentle means the streams of commerce, but forcing nothing; establishing, with powers so disposed, in order to give trade a stable course, to define the rights of our merchants, and to enable the government to support them, conventional rules of intercourse, the best that present circumstances and mutual opinion will permit, but temporary, and liable to be from time to time abandoned or varied, as experience and circumstances shall dictate; constantly keeping in view, that it is folly in one nation to look for disinterested favors from another; that it must pay with a portion of its independence for whatever it may accept under that character; that, by such acceptance, it may place itself in the condition of having given equivalents for nominal favors, and yet of being reproached with ingratitude for not giving more. There can be no greater error than to expect or calculate upon real favors from nation to nation. It is an illusion, which experience must cure, which a just pride ought to discard.

    In offering to you, my countrymen, these counsels of an old and affectionate friend, I dare not hope they will make the strong and lasting impression I could wish; that they will control the usual current of the passions, or prevent our nation from running the course, which has hitherto marked the destiny of nations. But, if I may even flatter myself, that they may be productive of some partial benefit, some occasional good; that they may now and then recur to moderate the fury of party spirit, to warn against the mischiefs of foreign intrigue, to guard against the impostures of pretended patriotism; this hope will be a full recompense for the solicitude for your welfare, by which they have been dictated.

    How far in the discharge of my official duties, I have been guided by the principles which have been delineated, the public records and other evidences of my conduct must witness to you and to the world. To myself, the assurance of my own conscience is, that I have at least believed myself to be guided by them.

    In relation to the still subsisting war in Europe, my Proclamation of the 22d of April 1793, is the index to my Plan. Sanctioned by your approving voice, and by that of your Representatives in both Houses of Congress, the spirit of that measure has continually governed me, uninfluenced by any attempts to deter or divert me from it.

    After deliberate examination, with the aid of the best lights I could obtain, I was well satisfied that our country, under all the circumstances of the case, had a right to take, and was bound in duty and interest to take, a neutral position.

    Having taken it, I determined, as far as should depend upon me, to maintain it, with moderation, perseverance, and firmness.

    The considerations, which respect the right to hold this conduct, it is not necessary on this occasion to detail. I will only observe, that, according to my understanding of the  matter, that right, so far from being denied by any of the Belligerent Powers, has been virtually admitted by all.

    The duty of holding a neutral conduct may be inferred, without any thing more, from the obligation which justice and humanity impose on every nation, in cases in which it is free to act, to maintain inviolate the relations of peace and amity towards other nations.

    The inducements of interest for observing that conduct will best be referred to your own reflections and experience. With me, a predominant motive has been to endeavour to gain time to our country to settle and mature its yet recent institutions, and to progress without interruption to that degree of strength and consistency, which is necessary to give it, humanly speaking, the command of its own fortunes.

    Though, in reviewing the incidents of my administration, I am unconscious of intentional error, I am nevertheless too sensible of my defects not to think it probable that I may have committed many errors. Whatever they may be, I fervently beseech the Almighty to avert or mitigate the evils to which they may tend. I shall also carry with me the hope, that my Country will never cease to view them with indulgence; and that, after forty-five years of my life dedicated to its service with an upright zeal, the faults of incompetent abilities will be consigned to oblivion, as myself must soon be to the mansions of rest.

Relying on its kindness in this as in other things, and actuated by that fervent love towards it, which is so natural to a man, who views it in the native soil of himself and his progenitors for several generations; I anticipate with pleasing expectation that retreat, in which I promise myself to realize, without alloy, the sweet enjoyment of partaking, in the midst of my fellow-citizens, the benign influence of good laws under a free government, the ever favorite object of my heart, and the happy reward, as I trust, of our mutual cares, labors, and dangers.

背景与影响

乔治·华盛顿（George Washington 1732—1799）美国将军，美国第一位总统（1789—1797在任）。他是美国独立战争时期的武装部队总司令，并任一七八七年制宪会议主席，经一致推选，出任新国家第一任总统，并于一七九二年再度当选连任。毫无疑问，华盛顿本来可以终身担任总统，因为没有别人比他更受人民敬仰与尊重了。但是，他认为担任两届总统已经足够，他从第二任总统职位退休时，准备了这篇告别辞，于一七九六年九月十七日向美国人民发布。告别辞对党争与派系倾轧的警告；对外国影响或卷入国外纠纷的警告；在公共事务方面对道德与忠诚精神的呼吁，都是忠告与诫言，对美国历史影响深远，实非华盛顿自己始料所及。

参考译文

各位朋友和同胞：

我们重新选举一位公民来主持美国政府的行政工作，已为期不远。此时此刻，大家必须运用思想来考虑这一重任付托给谁。因此，我觉得我现在应当向大家声明，尤其因为这样做有助于使公众意见获得更为明确的表达，那就是我已下定决心，谢绝将我列为候选人……

关于我最初负起这个艰巨职责时的感想，我已经在适当的场合说过了。现在辞掉这一职责时，我要说的仅仅是，我已诚心诚意地为这个政府的组织和行政，贡献了我这个判断力不足的人的最大力量。就任之初，我并非不知我的能力薄弱，而且我自己的经历更使我缺乏自信，这在别人看来，恐怕更是如此。年事日增，使我越来越认为，退休是必要的，而且是会受欢迎的。我确信，如果有任何情况促使我的服务具有特别价值，那种情况也只是暂时的；所以我相信，按照我的选择并经慎重考虑，我应当退出政坛，而且，爱国心也容许我这样做，这是我引以为慰的……

讲到这里，我似乎应当结束讲话。但我对你们幸福的关切，虽于九泉之下也难以割舍。由于关切，自然对威胁你们幸福的危险忧心忡忡。这种心情，促使我在今天这样的场合，提出一些看法供你们严肃思考，并建议你们经常重温。这是我深思熟虑和仔细观察的结论，而且在我看来，对整个民族的永久幸福有着十分重要的意义……

     你们的心弦与自由息息相扣，因此用不着我来增强或坚定你们对自由的热爱。政府的统一，使大家结成一个民族，现在这种统一也为你们所珍视。这是理所当然的，因为你们真正的独立，彷佛一座大厦，而政府的统一，乃是这座大厦的主要柱石；它支持你们国内的安定，国外的和平；支持你们的安全，你们的繁荣，以及你们如此重视的真正自由。然而不难预见，曾有某些力量试图削弱大家心里对于这种真理的信念，这些力量的起因不一，来源各异，但均将煞费苦心，千方百计地产生作用；其所以如此，乃因统一是你们政治堡垒中一个重点，内外敌人的炮火，会最持续不断地和加紧地（虽然常是秘密地与阴险地）进行轰击。因此，最重要的乃是大家应当正确估计这个民族团结对于集体和个人幸福所具有的重大价值；大家应当对它抱着诚挚的、经常的和坚定不移的忠心；你们在思想和言语中要习惯于把它当作大家政治安全和繁荣的保障；要小心翼翼地守护它。如果有人提到这种信念在某种情况下可以抛弃，即使那只是猜想，也不应当表示支持。如果有人企图使我国的一部分脱离其余部分，或想削弱现在联系各部分的神经纽带，在其最初出现时，就应当严加指责。

对于此点，你们有种种理由加以同情和关怀。既然你们因出生或归化而成为同一国家的公民，这个国家就有权集中你们的情感。美国人这个名称来自你们的国民身分，它是属于你们的；这个名号，一定会经常提高你们爱国的光荣感，远胜任何地方性的名称。在你们之间，除了极细微的差别外，有相同的宗教、礼仪、习俗与政治原则。你们曾为同一目标而共同奋斗，并且共同获得胜利。你们所得到的独立和自由，乃是你们群策群力，同甘苦，共患难的成果。

尽管这些理由是多么强烈地激发了你们的感情，但终究远不及那些对你们有更直接利害关系的理由。全国各地都可以看到强烈的愿望，要求精心维护和保持联邦制。

北方在与受同一政府的平等法律保护的南方自由交往中，发现南方的产品为航海业和商业提供了极其丰富的资源，为制造业提供了十分宝贵的原料。与此相同，南方在与北方交往时，也从北方所起的作用中获益不浅，农业得到了发展，商业得到了扩大。南方将部分北方海员转入自己的航道，使南方的航运业兴旺了起来。尽管南方在各方面都对全国航运业的繁荣和发展有所贡献，但它期望得到海上力量的保护，目前它的海上力量相对说来太薄弱了。东部在与西部进行类似的交往中，发现西部是东部自国外输入商品和在国内制造的商品的重要信道，而这个信道将随着内地水陆交通的不断改善而日趋重要。西部则从东部得到发展和改善生活所必不可少的物资供应；也许更重要的是，西部要确保其产品出口的必要渠道，必须靠联邦的大西洋一侧的势力、影响和未来的海上力量，而这需要把西部看成一个国家，有着不可分割的利害关系。西部如要靠其它任何方式来保护这种重要的优越地位，无论是单靠自己一方的力量，或是靠与外国建立背叛原则和不正常的关系，从本质上来看都是不牢靠的。

由此可见，我国各部分都从联合一致中感觉到直接的和特殊的好处，而把所有各部分联合在一起，人们会从手段和力量之大规模结合中，找到更大力量和更多资源，在抵御外患方面将相应地更为安全，而外国对它们和平的破坏也会减少。具有无可估量的价值的是，联合一致必然会防止它们自身之间发生战争。这种战争不断地折磨着相互邻接的国家，因为没有同一的政府把它们连成一气。这种战事，仅由于它们彼此之间的互相竞争，即可发生，如果与外国有同盟、依附和阴谋串通的关系，则更会进一步激发和加剧这种对抗。因此，同样地，它们可以避免过分发展军事力量，这种军事力量，在任何形式的政府之下，都是对自由不利的，而对共和国的自由，则应视为尤具敬意。就这个意义而言，应把你们的联合一致看作是你们自由的支柱，如果你们珍惜其中一个，也就应当保存另一个……

你们是否怀疑一个共同的政府能够管辖这么大的范围？把这个问题留待经验来解决吧。对付这样一个问题单纯听信猜测是错误的。在这种情况下，非常值得进行一次公平和全面的实验。要求全国各地组成联邦的愿望是如此强烈和明显，因此，在实践尚未表明联邦制行不通时，试图在任何方面削弱联邦纽带的人，我们总是有理由怀疑他们的爱国心的。

在研究那些可能扰乱我们联邦的种种原因时，使人想到一件至关重要的事，那就是以地域差别——北方与南方、大西洋与西部——为根据来建立各种党派；因为那些心怀不轨的人可能力图借此造成一种信念，以为地方间真的存在着利益和观点的差异。一个党派想在某些地区赢得影响力而采取的策略之一，是歪曲其它地区的观点和目标。这种歪曲引起的妒忌和不满，是防不胜防的；使那些本应亲如兄弟的人变得互不相容……

为了使你们的联合保持效力和持久，一个代表全体的政府是不可少的。各地区结成联盟，不论怎样严密，都不能充分代替这样的政府。这种联盟一定会经历古往今来所有联盟的遭遇，即背约和中断。由于明白这个重要的事实，所以大家把最初的文件加以改进，通过了一部胜过从前的政府宪法，以期密切联合，更有效地管理大家的共同事务。这个政府，是我们自己选择的，不曾受人影响，不曾受人威胁，是经过全盘研究和缜密考虑而建立的，它的原则和它的权力的分配，是完全自由的，它把安全和力量结合起来，而其本身则包含着修正其自身的规定。这样一个政府有充分理由要求你们的信任和支持。尊重它的权力，服从它的法律，遵守它的措施，这些都是真正自由的基本准则所构成的义务。我们政府体制的基础，乃是人民有权制定和变更他们政府的宪法。

可是宪法在经全民采取明确和正式的行动加以修改以前，任何人对之都负有神圣的义务。人民有建立政府的权力与权利，这一观念乃是以每人有责任服从所建立的政府为前提的……

要保存你们的政府，要永久维持你们现在的幸福状态，你们不仅不应支持那些不时发生的跟公认的政府权力相敌对的行为，而且对那种要改革政府原则的风气，即使其借口似若有理，亦应予以谨慎的抵制。他们进攻的方法之一，可能是采取改变宪法的形式，以损害这种体制的活力，从而把不能直接推翻的东西，暗中加以破坏。在你们可能被邀参与的所有变革中，你们应当记住，要确定政府的真正性质，正如确定人类其它体制一样，时间和习惯至少是同样重要的；应当记住，要检验一国现存政体的真正趋势，经验是最可靠的标准，应当记住，仅凭假设和意见便轻易变更，将因假设和意见之无穷变化而招致无穷的变更，还要特别记住，在我们这样辽阔的国度里，要想有效地管理大家的共同利益，一个活力充沛的、并且能充分保障自由的政府是必不可少的。在这样一个权力得到适当分配和调节的政府里，自由本身将会从中找到它最可靠的保护者。如果一个政府力量过弱，经不住朋党派系之争，不能使社会每一分子守法，和能维持全体人民安全而平静地享受其人身和财产权利，那么，这个政府只是徒有虚名而已。

我已经提醒你们，在美国存在着党派分立的危险，并特别提到按地域差别来分立党派的危险。现在让我从更全面的角度，以最严肃的态度概略地告诫你们警惕党派思想的恶劣影响。

不幸的是，这种思想与我们的本性是不可分割的，并扎根于人类脑海里最强烈的欲望之中。它以各种不同的形式存在于所有政府机构里，尽管多少受到抑制、控制或约束。但那些常见的党派思想的形式，往往是最令人讨厌的，并且确实是政府最危险的敌人……

它往往干扰公众会议的进行，并削弱行政管理能力。它在民众中引起无根据的猜忌和莫须有的惊恐；挑拨派对立；有时还引起骚动和叛乱。它为外国影响和腐蚀打开方便之门。外国影响和腐蚀可以轻易地通过派系倾向的渠道深入到政府机构中来。这样，一个国家的政策和意志就会受到另一个国家政策和意志的影响。

有一种意见，认为自由国家中的政党，是对政府施政的有效牵制，有助于发扬自由精神。在某种限度内，这大概是对的；在君主制的政府下，人民基于爱国心，对于政党精神即使不加袒护，亦会颇为宽容。但在民主性质的纯属选任的政府下，这种精神是不应予以鼓励的。从其自然趋势看来，可以肯定，在每一种有益的目标上，总是不乏这种精神的。但这种精神常有趋于过度的危险，因此应当用舆论的力量使之减轻及缓和。它是一团火，我们不要熄灭它，但要一致警惕，以防它火焰大发，变成不是供人取暖，而是贻害于人。

还有一项同样重要的事，就是一个自由国家的思想习惯，应当做到使那些负责行政的人保持警惕，把各自的权力局限于宪法规定的范围内，在行使一个部门的权力时，应避免侵犯另一个部门的权限。这种越权精神倾向于把所有各部门的权力集中于某一部门，因而造成一种真正的专制主义，姑不论其政府的形式如何……

如果民意认为，宪法上的权限之分配或修改，在某方面是不对的，我们应当照宪法所规定的辨法予以修改。但我们不可用篡权的方式予以更改；因为这种方法，可能在某一件事上是有效的手段，但自由政府也常会被这种手段毁灭。所以使用这种方法，有时虽然可以得到局部的或一时的好处，但此例一开，一定抵不过它所引起的永久性危害的。

在导致昌明政治的各种精神意识和风俗习惯中，宗教和道德是不可缺少的支柱。一个竭力破坏人类幸福的伟大支柱——人类与公民职责的最坚强支柱——的人，却妄想别人赞他爱国，必然是白费心机的。政治家应当同虔诚的人一样，尊敬和爱护宗教与道德。宗教与道德同个人福利以及公共福利的关系，即使写一本书也说不完。我们只要简单地问，如果宗教责任感不存在于法院赖以调查事件的宣誓中，那么，哪能谈得上财产、名誉和生命的安全呢？而且我们也不可耽于幻想，以为道德可不靠宗教而维持下去。高尚的教育，对于特殊构造的心灵，尽管可能有所影响，但根据理智和经验，不容许我们期望，在排除宗教原则的情况下，道德观念仍能普遍存在。

有一句话大体上是不错的，那就是：道德是民意所归的政府所必需的原动力。这条准则可或多或少地适用于每一种类型的自由政府。凡是自由政府的忠实朋友，对于足以动摇它组织基础的企图，谁能熟视无睹呢？因此，请大家把普遍传播知识的机构当作最重要的目标来加以充实提高。政府组织给舆论以力量，舆论也应相应地表现得更有见地，这是很重要的。

我们应当珍视国家的财力，因为这是力量和安全的极为重要的泉源。保存财力的办法之一是尽量少动用它，并维护和平以避免意外开支；但也要记住，为了防患于未然而及时拨款，往往可以避免支付更大的款项来消弭灾祸。同样，我们要避免债台高筑，为此，不懂要节约开支，而且在和平时期还要尽力去偿还不可避免的战争所带来的债务，不要将我们自己应该承受的负担无情地留给后代……

我们要对所有国家遵守信约和正义，同所有国家促进和平与和睦。宗教和道德要求我们这样做。难道明智的政策不于一样要求这样做吗？如果我们能够成为一个总是遵奉崇高的正义和仁爱精神的民族，为人类树立高尚而崭新的典范，那我们便不愧为一个自由的、开明的，而且会在不久的将来变得伟大的国家。如果我们始终如一地坚持这种方针，可能会损失一些暂时的利益，但是谁会怀疑，随着时间的推移和事物的变迁，收获将远远超过损失呢？难道苍天没有将一个民族的永久幸福和它的品德联系在一起吗？至少，每一种使人性变得崇高的情操都甘愿接受这种考验的。万一考验失败，这是否由人的恶行造成的呢？

在实行这种方针时，最要紧的，乃是不要对某些国家抱着永久而固执的厌恶心理，而对另一些国家则热爱不已；应当对所有国家都培养公正而友善的感情。一个国家，如果习于其它国家恶此喜彼，这个国家便会在某种程度上沦为奴隶；或为敌意的奴隶，或为友情的奴隶，随便哪一种都足以将它引离自己的责任和自己的利益。一国对于另一国心存厌恶，两国便更易于彼此侮辱和互相伤害，更易于因小故而记恨，并且在发生偶然或细琐的争执时，也易于变得骄狂不羁和难以理喻。

一国对他国怀着热烈的喜爱，也一样能产生种种弊端。由于对所喜爱的国家抱同情，遂幻想彼此有共同的利益，实则所谓共同利益仅是想象的，而非真实的；再者，把它国的仇恨也灌注给自己，结果当它国与别国发生争执或战争，自己也会在没有充分原因和理由的情况下陷身其中。此外，还会把不给与它国的特权给与所喜爱的国家；于是，这个作出让步的国家，便会蒙受双重损害，一是无端损失本身应当保留的利益，一是激起未曾得到这种利益的国家的嫉妒、恶感和报复心理；这给那些有野心的、腐化的或受蒙蔽的公民（他们投靠自己所喜爱的国家）提供了方便，使他们在背叛或牺牲自己国家的利益时不但不遭人憎恨，有时甚至还受到欢迎，并把由于野心、腐化或胡涂而卑鄙愚蠢地屈服的人粉饰成有正直的责任感、顺乎民意、或是热心公益而值得赞扬的人……

一个自由民族应当经常警觉，提防外国势力的阴谋诡计（同胞们，我恳求你们相信我），因为历史和经验证明，外国势力乃是共和政府最致命的敌人之一。不过这种提防，要想做到有效，必须不偏不倚，否则会成为我们所要摆脱的势力的工具，而不是抵御那种势力的工事。对某国过度偏爱，对另外一个过度偏恶，会使受到这种影响的国家只看到一方面的危险，却掩盖甚至纵容另一方所施的诡计。常我们所喜欢的那个国家的爪牙和受他们蒙蔽的人，利用人民的赞赏和信任，诱骗人民放弃本身的利益时，那些可能抵制该国诡计的真正爱国志士，反而极易成为怀疑与憎恶的对象。

我们处理外国事务的最重要原则，就是在与它们发展商务关系时，尽量避免涉及政治。我们已订的条约，必须忠实履行。但以此为限，不再增加。

    欧洲有一套基本利益，它对于我们毫无或甚少关系。欧洲经常发生争执，其原因基本上与我们毫不相干。所以，如果我们卷进欧洲事务，与他们的政治兴衰人为地联系在一起，或与他们友好而结成同盟，或与他们敌对而发生冲突，都是不明智的。

我国独处一方，远离它国，这种地理位置允许并促使我们奉行一条不同的政策路线。如果我们在一个称职的政府领导下保持团结，在不久的将来，我们就可以不怕外来干扰造成的物质破坏；我们就可以采取一种姿态，使我们在任何时候决心保持中立时，都可得到它国严正的尊重；好战国家不能从我们这里获得好处时，也不敢轻易冒险向我们挑战；我们可以在正义的指引下依照自己的利益，在和战问题上作出抉择。

我们为什么要摒弃这种特殊环境带来的优越条件呢？为什么要放弃我们自己的立场而站到外国的立场上去呢？为什么要把我们的命运同欧洲任何一部分的命运交织一起，以致把我们的和平与繁荣，陷入欧洲的野心、竞争、利益关系、古怪念头，或反复无常的罗网之中呢？

我们真正的政策，乃是避免同任何外国订立永久的同盟，我的意思是我们现在可自由处理这种问题；但请不要误会，以为我赞成不履行现有的条约。我认为，诚实是最好的政策，这句格言不仅适用于私事，亦通用于公务。所以我再重复说一句，那些条约应按其原意加以履行。但我觉得延长那些条约是不必要，也是不明智的。

    我们应当经常警惕，建立适量的军队以保持可观的防御姿态，这样，在非常紧急时期中，我们才可以安全地依靠暂时性的同盟。

     无论就政策而言，就人道而言，就利害而言，我们都应当跟一切国家保持和睦相处与自由来往。但是甚至我们的商业政策也应当采取平等和公平的立易，即不向它国要求特权或特惠，亦不给与它国以特权或特惠；一切要顺事物之自然而行；要用温和的手段扩展商业途径并作多种经营，绝不强求；与有此意向的国家订立有关交往的习用条例，俾使贸易有稳定的方向，我国商人的权利得以明确，政府对他们的扶助得以实现，这种条例应为现时情势和彼此意见所容许的最合理的条例，但也只是暂时的，得根据经验与情势随时予以废弃或改变；须时时紧记，一国向它国索求无私的恩惠是愚蠢的；要记住，为了得到这种性质的恩惠，它必须付出它的一部分独立为代价；要记住，接受此类恩惠，会使本身处于这样的境地：自己已为那微小的恩惠出同等的代价，但仍被谴责为忘恩负义，认为付得不够。期待或指望国与国之间有真正的恩惠，实乃最严重的错误。这是一种幻想，而经验必可将其治愈，正直的自尊心必然会将其摈弃……

虽然在检讨本人任期内施政时，我未发觉有故意的错误，但是我很明白我的缺点，并不以为我没有犯过很多错误。不管这些错误是什么，我恳切地祈求上帝免除或减轻这些错误所可能产生的恶果。而且我也将怀着一种希望，愿我的国家永远宽恕这些错误；我秉持正直的热忱，献身为国家服务，已经四十五年，希望我因为能力薄弱而犯的过失，会随着我不久以后长眠地下而湮没无闻。

我在这方面和在其它方面一样，均须仰赖祖国的仁慈，我热爱祖国，并受到爱国之情的激励，这种感情，对于一个视祖国为自己及历代祖先的故土的人来说，是很自然的。因此，我以欢欣的期待心情，指望在我切盼实现的退休之后，我将与我的同胞们愉快地分享自由政府下完善的法律的温暖——这是我一直衷心向往的目标，并且我相信，这也是我们相互关怀，共同努力和赴汤蹈火的优厚报酬。

鉴赏提示

作为国父，华盛顿的告别演说真是充满感情和希望：他坚信美国的实验，他又不有忧虑。离别之际，千言万语，无不充满爱国之情和理智之光。

请你说说，总统这篇演讲，都提出了哪些忠告。

第三课    葛底斯堡演讲

（The Gettysburg Address  Gettysburg  November 19, 1863）  

                       亚伯拉罕·林肯 (Abraham Lincoln)

Four score and seven years ago our fathers brought forth on this continent, a new nation,conceived in Liberty, and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal.

Now we are engaged in a great civil war, testing whether that nation, or any nation so conceived and so dedicated, can long endure. We are met on a great battle-field of that war. We have come to dedicate a portion of that field, as a final resting place for those who here gave their lives that that nation might live. It is altogether fitting and proper that we should do this.

But, in a larger sense, we can not dedicate -- we can not consecrate -- we can not hallow -- this ground. The brave men, living and dead, who struggled here, have consecrated it, far above our poor power to add or detract. The world will little note, nor long remember what we say here, but it can never forget what they did here.

It is for us the living, rather, to be dedicated here to the unfinished work which they who fought here have thus far so nobly advanced. It is rather for us to be here dedicated to the great task remaining before us -- that from these honored dead we take increased devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full measure of devotion -- that we here highly resolve that these dead shall not have died in vain -- that this nation, under God, shall have a new birth of freedom -- and that government of the people, by the people, for the people, shall not perish from the earth.

背景与影响

亚伯拉罕·林肯(Abraham Lincoln  1809—1865) 美国第十六任总统（1861—1865在任），以解放黑人和维护国家统一而著称于世。

葛底斯堡是美国内战中极其重要的一次战役。战役后，决定为死难烈士举行盛大葬礼。掩葬委员会发给总统一张普通的请帖，他们以为他是不会来的，但林肯答应了。既然总统来，那一定要讲演的，但他们已经请了著名演说家艾佛瑞特来做这件事，因此，他们又给林肯写了信，说在艾佛瑞特演说完毕之后，他们希望他“随便讲几句适当的话”。这是一个侮辱，但林肯平静地接受了。两星期内，他在穿衣、刮脸、吃点心时也想着怎样演说。演说稿改了两三次，他仍不满意。到了葬礼的前一天晚上，还在做最后的修改，然后半夜找到他的同僚高声朗诵。走进会场时，他骑在马上仍把头低到胸前默想着演说辞。

那位艾佛瑞特讲演了两个多小时，将近结束时，林肯不安地掏出旧式眼镜，又一次看他

的讲稿。他的演说开始了，一位记者支上三角架准备拍摄照片，等一切就绪的时候，林

肯已走下讲台。这段时间只有两分钟，而掌声却持续了10分钟。后人给以极高评价的那

份演说辞，在今天译成中文，也不过400字。

讲话不但高度评价了这次内战，颂扬了战士们的牺牲精神，鼓励了活着的人们，更包含了以后美国社会制度的种种原则。所以被认为是林肯总统最著名的演讲。

参考译文

美国，宾夕法尼亚，葛底斯堡：

八十七年以前，我们的祖先在这大陆上建立了一个国家，它孕育于自由，并且献身给一种理念，即所有人都是生来平等的。

当前，我们正在从事一次伟大的内战，我们在考验，究竟这个国家，或任何一个有这种主张和这种信仰的国家，是否能长久存在。我们在那次战争的一个伟大的战场上集会。我们来到这里，奉献那个战场上的一部分土地，作为在此地为那个国家的生存而牺牲了自己生命的人的永久眠息之所。我们这样做，是十分合情合理的。

可是，就更深一层意义而言，我们是无从奉献这片土地的--无从使它成为圣地--也不能把它变为人们景仰之所。那些在这里战斗的勇士，活着的和死去的，已使这块土地神圣化了，远非我们的菲薄能力所能左右。世人会不大注意，更不会长久记得我们在此地所说的话，然而他们将永远忘不了这些人在这里所做的事。

相反，我们活着的人应该献身于那些曾在此作战的人们所英勇推动而尚未完成的工作。我们应该在此献身于我们面前所留存的伟大工作--由于他们的光荣牺牲，我们要更坚定地致力于他们曾作最后全部贡献的那个事业--我们在此立志宣誓，不能让他们白白死去--要使这个国家在上帝的庇佑之下，得到新生的自由--要使那民有、民治、民享的政府不致从地球上消失。

鉴赏提示

林肯的讲话是极简短、极朴素的。这往往使那些滔滔不绝的讲演家大瞧不起。

林肯的这篇演说是演说史上著名的篇章，其思想的深刻，行文的严谨，语言的冼练，确实是不愧彪炳青史的大手笔。尤其是其中的第二段，建议加以仔细分析，其语义的承转，结构的安排，甚至包括其句式的使用，无一不是极尽推敲之作。

第四课    十 四 点

（The Fourteen Points  8 January 1918）

伍德罗·威尔逊（Woodrow Wilson）

    It will be our wish and purpose that the processes of peace, when they are begun, shall be absolutely open and that they shall involve and permit henceforth no secret understandings of any kind. The day of conquest and aggrandizement is gone by; so is al so the day of secret covenants entered into in the interest of particular governments and  likely at some unlooked-for moment to upset the peace of the world. It is this happy fact, now clear to the view of every public man whose thoughts do not still linger in an age that is dead and gone, which makes it possible for every nation whose purposes are consistent with justice and the peace of the world to avow nor or at any other time the objects it has in view.

    We entered this war because violations of right had occurred which touched us to the quick and made the life of our own people impossible unless they were corrected and the world secure once for all against their recurrence.

    What we demand in this war, therefore, is nothing peculiar to ourselves. It is that the world be made fit and safe to live in; and particularly that it be made safe for every peace-loving nation which, like our own, wishes to live its own life, determine its own institutions, be assured of justice and fair dealing by the other peoples of the world as against force and selfish aggression. All the peoples of the world are in effect partners in this interest, and for our own part we see very clearly that unless justice be done to others it will not be done to us. The program of the world's peace, therefore, is our program; and that program, the only possible program, as we see it, is this:

    I. Open covenants of peace, openly arrived at, after which there shall be no private international understandings of any kind but diplomacy shall proceed always frankly and in the public view.

    II. Absolute freedom of navigation upon the seas, outside territorial waters, alike in peace and in war, except as the seas may be closed in whole or in part by international action for the enforcement of international covenants.

    III. The removal, so far as possible, of all economic barriers and the establishment of an equality of trade conditions among all the nations consenting to the peace and associating themselves for its maintenance.

    IV. Adequate guarantees given and taken that national armaments will be reduced to the lowest point consistent with domestic safety.

    V. A free, open-minded, and absolutely impartial adjustment of all colonial claims, based upon a strict observance of the principle that in determining all such questions of sovereignty the interests of the populations concerned must have equal weight with the equitable claims of the government whose title is to be determined.

    VI. The evacuation of all Russian territory and such a settlement of all questions affecting Russia as will secure the best and freest cooperation of the other nations of the world in obtaining for her an unhampered and unembarrassed opportunity for the independent determination of her own political development and national policy and assure her of a sincere welcome into the society of free nations under institutions of her own choosing; and, more than a welcome, assistance also of every kind that she may need and may herself desire. The treatment accorded Russia by her sister nations in the months to come will be the acid test of their good  will, of their comprehension of her needs as distinguished from their own interests, and of their intelligent and unselfish sympathy.

    VII. Belgium, the whole world will agree, must be evacuated and restored, without any attempt to limit the sovereignty which she enjoys in common with all other free nations. No other single act will serve as this will serve to restore confidence among the nations in the laws which they have themselves set and determined for the government of their relations with one another. Without this healing act the whole structure and validity of international law is forever impaired.

    VIII. All French territory should be freed and the invaded portions restored, and the wrong done to France by Prussia in 1871 in the matter of Alsace-Lorraine, which has unsettled the peace of the world for nearly fifty years, should be righted, in order that peace may once more be made secure in the interest of all.

    IX. A readjustment of the frontiers of Italy should be effected along clearly recognizable lines of nationality.

    X. The peoples of Austria-Hungary, whose place among the nations we wish to see safeguarded and assured, should be accorded the freest opportunity to autonomous development.

    XI. Rumania, Serbia, and Montenegro should be evacuated; occupied territories restored; Serbia accorded free and secure access to the sea; and the relations of the several Balkan states to one another determined by friendly counsel along historically established lines of allegiance and nationality; and international guarantees of the political and economic independence and territorial integrity of the several Balkan states should be entered into.

    XII. The Turkish portion of the present Ottoman Empire should be assured a secure sovereignty, but the other nationalities which are now under Turkish rule should be assured an undoubted security of life and an absolutely unmolested opportunity of autonomous development, and the Dardanelles should be permanently opened as a free passage to the ships and commerce of all nations under international guarantees.

    XIII. An independent Polish state should be erected which should include the territories inhabited by indisputably Polish populations, which should  be assured a free and secure access to the sea, and whose political and economic independence and territorial integrity should be guaranteed by international covenant.

    XIV. A general association of nations must be formed under specific covenants for the purpose of affording mutual guarantees of political independence and territorial integrity to great and small states alike. In regard to these essential rectifications of wrong and assertions of right we feel ourselves to be intimate partners of all the governments and peoples associated together against the Imperialists. We cannot be separated in interest or divided in purpose. We stand together until the end.

For such arrangements and covenants we are willing to fight and to continue to fight until they are achieved; but only because we wish the right to prevail and desire a just and stable peace such as can be secured only by removing the chief provocations to war, which this program does remove. We have no jealousy of German greatness, and there is nothing in this program that impairs it. We grudge her no achievement or distinction of learning or of pacific enterprise such as have made her record very bright an d very enviable. We do not wish to injure her or to block in any way her legitimate influence or power. We do not wish to fight her either with arms or with hostile arrangements of trade if she is willing to associate herself with us and the other peace-loving nations of the world in covenants of justice and law and fair dealing. We wish her only to accept a place of equality among the peoples of the world, -- the new  world in which we now live, -- instead of a place of mastery.

背景和影响

伍德罗·威尔逊（Woodrow Wilson 1856—1924）美国第廿八任总统（1913—1921在任）。推动美国参加一战，战后提出著名的“十四点”。1919年获得诺贝尔和平奖。

威尔逊把美国带入了一战，共有200万美国大兵参战。给世人印象最深的却是美国人不同于欧洲的理想主义世界观。为了与英法两国保持距离，美国不是以“盟国”而是以“协作国”参战，为的是“确保民主在全世界畅通无阻”，争取所谓“没有胜利的和平”。为此，学者总统威尔逊提出了结束战争《14点计划》。其中的自由贸易、民族自决和集体安全原则，虽然是欧洲自由主义的产物，但他却能够化零为整，把这些老原则包装到国际联盟的新制度中，以实现世界的“永久和平”。在丛林规则支配的世界强权政治中，《14点计划》无疑是空谷足音，为他赢得了救世主般的声誉，连遥远的中国知识分子也赞扬威尔逊是“天下第一好人”（陈独秀语）。通过建立国际联盟这个集体安全制度，威尔逊希望实现德国哲人康德所梦想的“永久和平”。但这一设想超越了那个时代，根本不符欧洲二百年年饱受征战之苦的水土。对胜利的一方，特别是法国人来说，他们要报30年前被德国打败的一箭之仇。在遭受法国“老虎总理”克里孟梭的刀砍斧削之后，国际联盟已经是伤痕累累，面目全非。更令威尔逊难堪的是，他的这个遍体鳞伤的精神之子还被自己的同胞拒之门外。在大多数美国人看来，如果因为欧洲的世代冤仇而让美国卷入未来的战争，绝非美国的福音。于是，威尔逊的集体安全构思在现实中化为黄粱一梦。美国国会未批准巴黎和约，未加入国联。

   虽然如此，“十四点”所提议建立国际联盟，各民族各国家和平相处，也为以后而至现在国际社会所实践，不正说明了威尔逊的先见之明和理想追求之可贵。一味说其是美国的霸权主张未免短视。

参考译文

我们的愿望和宗旨是这样的：和平的缔造过程一经开始便要绝对公开进行，嗣后不得容许任何类型的秘密默契。征服和扩张的日子已经过去了；缔结那些仅有利于个别政府，但在某些预想不到的时刻却会颠覆世界和平的秘密条约的日子，也已过去了。现在每个思想不再留恋过去时代的关心公共事务的人，都清楚看到了这一令人快慰的事实，这就使每一个宗旨符合正义和世界和平的国家，有可能于现在或其它时刻公开申明其心目中的目标。

我们参加这次战争，是因为正义受到侵犯，这使我们感到痛心，除非它们获得纠正而且保证不再在世界上出现，否则我国人民的生活便不可能维持下去。因此，我们在这次战争中所要求的，绝不仅是和我们本身有关的东西。我们所要求的，就是要使世界适合人类生存和安居乐业；尤其要使它成为一个这样的世界：所有爱好和平的国家那些像我们一样希望依照自己的方式生活，决定自己的制度的国家，能够获得正义的保证，并得到世界上其它民族的公平待遇而不致遭受暴力和损人利己的侵略。事实上，全世界各民族都是这一事业的共事者，同时，以我们本身而论，我们看得十分清楚，除非正义施及他人，否别正义也不能独施予我。

因此，世界和平的方案，就是我们的方案；而依我们所见，这方案，这唯一可行的方案，应是这样的：

1. 公开和平条的，以公开的方式缔结，嗣后国际间不得有任何类型的秘密默契，外交必须始终在众目睽睽之下坦诚进行。

2.各国领海以外的海洋上应有绝对的航行自由，在和平时及战时均然，只有为执行国际公约而采取国际行动时才可以封海洋的一部分或全部。

3.应尽最大可能，消除所有同意接受和平及协同维持和平国家之间的经济障碍，并建立平等的贸易条件。

4.应采取充分保证措施，使各国军备减至符合国内保安所的最低限度。

5.关于各国对殖民地的权益的要求，应进行自由、开明和对公正的协调，并基于对下述原则的严格遵守：在决定关于主的一切问题时，当地居民的利益，应与管治权待决的政府的正当要求，获得同等的重视。

6.撤退在俄罗斯领土内的所有军队，解决所有关于俄国的题，该解决方案应取得世界其它国家最良好和最自由的合作，俾使俄国获得不受牵制和干扰的机会，独立地决定她本身的政治发展和国策，并保证她在自己选择的制度下，获得自由国家社会的诚挚欢迎；除欢迎之外，并给予她可能需要和希望获得的各种协助。俄国的姊妹国家在未来数月期间的态度，将考验出她们是有善意；是否对于俄国的需要有所了解，并把这种需要与她们本身的利害区别开来；是否有明智而无私的同情心。

7.全世界应同意，在比利时的占领军必须撤退，其领土必须恢复，不得企图限制她应与其它自由国家同样享有的主权。其它任何一种行动均不能起这样的作用，因此唯有这样做才能使世界各国对于它们为了协调彼此关系而建立和确定的法律，恢复信心。如果没有此项治疗创伤的行动，国际法的整个体系与效力，将永远受损。

8.法国全部领土应获自由，被侵占的法国地区应归还，同时，一八七一年普鲁士在阿尔萨斯一洛林问题上对法国的错误行径，已使世界和平受到几乎五十年的干扰，自应予以纠正，俾能为了全体利益而再度确保和平。

9. 意大利的疆界，必须依照明晰可辨的民族界线予以重新调整。

10.对于奥匈帝国统治下各民族，我们愿见他们的国际地位获得保证和确定，并对其发展自治给予最大程度的自由机会。

11.罗马尼亚、塞尔维亚以及门的内哥罗的占领军应撤退；被占领的土地应归还；应给予塞尔维亚自由安全的出海通道；而巴尔干若干国家的相互关系，应按照历史上已经确立了的有关政治归属和民族界限的原则，通过友好协商加以决定；同时，对于若干巴尔干国家的政治及经济独立和领土完整，亦应给予国际保障。

12.对于当前奥斯曼帝国的土耳其本土，应保证其有稳固的主权，但对现在土耳其人统治下的其它民族，则应保证他们有确实安全的生活，和绝对不受干扰的发展自治的机会；同时，达达内尔海峡应在国际保证之下永远开放，成为世界列国船只和商务的自由通路。

13.应建立一个独立的波兰国，它的领域包括所有无可置疑的波兰人所居住的领土，并应保证她获得自由安全的出海通道，而她的政治及经济独立和领土完整，则应由国际公约予以保证。

14. 必需根据专门公约成立一个普遍性的国际联合组织， 目的在于使大小各国同样获得政治独立和领土完整的相互保证。

就这些从根本上纠正错误和伸张公理的措施而言，我们觉得自己是所有联合一致反对帝国主义者的各国政府及人民亲密的合作者。我们在利害关系和目标上是分不开也拆不散的。我们应并肩合作到底。

为了这些安排与协议我们愿意战斗到底，直至实现这些目标：但是这只是因为我们希望正义战胜，以及期望一个公正稳固的和平，这一和平只有消弭挑起战争的主要因素才可获得(但这个计划没有消弭这些因素)。我们并不嫉妒德国的伟大，本计划也没有任何内容有损于德国的伟大。我们不嫉妒曾使德国的历史非常光辉可羡的那些在学术或和平事业上的成就或荣誉。我们不愿伤害德国，或以任何方式遏制德国的合法影响或权力。我们不愿意用武力或敌对性的贸易措施来对付德国，如果她愿意在合乎正义和法律以及公平交易的公约中与我们及世界上其它爱好和平的国家联合一致的话。我们希望德国在全世界－－我们现在所生存的新世界－－的国家中占一平等席位，而不是统治地位。

我们也不会肆意建议德国改变或修改她的制度。但我们必须坦白指出，对我们而言，在与德国进行任何理智的交涉时，必要的先决条件是我们须知道她的代言人在跟我们讲话时是为谁发言，是代表德意志帝国议会的多数发言，还是代表军人集团与拥护帝国专制统治的人们发言。我们现在所陈述的条款是如此具体，自然不容再有任何怀疑或争论之余地。在我所概述的整个方案里，贯穿着一个鲜明的原则。这就是公正对待所有人民和一切

民族，确认他们不论强弱均有权在彼此平等的条件之上，享受自由和安全的生活的公平原则。除非这一原则成为国际正义的基础，否则国际正义的任何部分均不可能站得住脚。合众国人民绝不可能依据其它原则而行动；他们为了维护这个原则，愿意奉献出他们的生命、荣誉和所拥有的一切。这个最高的道德考验，争取人类自由的最后最有决定性的战争已经来临了，他们准备把自己的力量、自己最崇高的目标、自己的坚贞和虔诚，付诸考验。

鉴赏提示

关键要领会美国对于世界政治的理想追求。请问它新在何处？为什么当时难以实现？

第五课    第一次就职演说

（First Inaugural Address  4 March 1933）

富兰克林·德·罗斯福（Franklin Delano Roosevelt）

4 March 1933

President Hoover, Mr. Chief Justice, my friends:
    This is a day of national consecration. And I am certain that on this day my fellow Americans expect that on my induction into the Presidency, I will address them with a candor and a decision which the present situation of our people impels.
    This is preeminently the time to speak the truth, the whole truth, frankly and boldly. Nor need we shrink from honestly facing conditions in our country today. This great Nation will endure, as it has endured, will revive and will prosper.
    So, first of all, let me assert my firm belief that the only thing we have to fear is fear itself -- nameless, unreasoning, unjustified terror which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance. In every dark hour of our national life, a leadership of frankness and of vigor has met with that understanding and support of the people themselves which is essential to victory. And I am convinced that you will again give that support to leadership in these critical days.

In such a spirit on my part and on yours we face our common difficulties. They concern, thank God, only material things. Values have shrunk to fantastic levels; taxes have risen; our ability to pay has fallen; government of all kinds is faced by serious curtailment of income; the means of exchange are frozen in the currents of trade; the withered leaves of industrial enterprise lie on every side; farmers find no markets for their produce; and the savings of many years in thousands of families are gone. More important, a host of unemployed citizens face the grim problem of existence, and an equally great number toil with little return. Only a foolish optimist can deny the dark realities of the moment.

And yet our distress comes from no failure of substance. We are stricken by no plague of locusts. Compared with the perils which our forefathers conquered,   because they believed and were not afraid, we have still much to be thankful for. Nature still offers her bounty and human efforts have multiplied it. Plenty is at our doorstep, but a generous use of it languishes in the very sight of the supply.

Primarily, this is because the rulers of the exchange of mankind's goods have failed, through their own stubbornness and their own incompetence, have admitted their failure, and have abdicated. Practices of the unscrupulous money changers stand indicted in the court of public opinion, rejected by the hearts and minds of men.

True, they have tried. But their efforts have been cast in the pattern of an outworn tradition. Faced by failure of credit, they have proposed only the lending of more money. Stripped of the lure of profit by which to induce our people to follow their false leadership, they have resorted to exhortations, pleading tearfully for restored confidence. They only know the rules of a generation of self-seekers. They have no vision, and when there is no vision the people perish.

Yes, the money changers have fled from their high seats in the temple of our civilization. We may now restore that temple to the ancient truths. The measure of that restoration lies in the extent to which we apply social values more noble than mere monetary profit.

Happiness lies not in the mere possession of money; it lies in the joy of achievement, in the thrill of creative effort. The joy, the moral stimulation of work no longer must be forgotten in the mad chase of evanescent profits. These dark days, my friends, will be worth all they cost us if they teach us that our true destiny is not to be ministered unto but to minister to ourselves, to our fellow men.

Recognition of that falsity of material wealth as the standard of success goes hand in hand with the abandonment of the false belief that public office and high political position are to be valued only by the standards of pride of place and personal profit; and there must be an end to a conduct in banking and in business which too often has given to a sacred trust the likeness of callous and selfish wrongdoing. Small wonder that confidence languishes, for it thrives only on honesty, on honor, on the sacredness of obligations, on faithful protection, and on unselfish performance; without them it cannot live.

Restoration calls, however, not for changes in ethics alone. This Nation is asking for action, and action now.

Our greatest primary task is to put people to work. This is no unsolvable problem if we face it wisely and courageously. It can be accomplished in part by direct recruiting by the Government itself, treating the task as we would treat the emergency of a war, but at the same time, through this employment, accomplishing great -- greatly needed projects to stimulate and reorganize the use of our great natural resources.

Hand in hand with that we must frankly recognize the overbalance of population in our industrial centers and, by engaging on a national scale in a redistribution, endeavor to provide a better use of the land for those best fitted for the land.
    Yes, the task can be helped by definite efforts to raise the values of agricultural products, and with this the power to purchase the output of our cities. It can be helped by preventing realistically the tragedy of the growing loss through foreclosure of our small homes and our farms. It can be helped by insistence that the Federal, the State, and the local governments act forthwith on the demand that their cost be drastically reduced. It can be helped by the unifying of relief activities which today are often scattered, uneconomical, unequal. It can be helped by national planning for and supervision of all forms of transportation and of communications and other utilities that have a definitely public character. There are many ways in which it can be helped, but it can never be helped by merely talking about it.

We must act. We must act quickly.

And finally, in our progress towards a resumption of work, we require two safeguards against a return of the evils of the old order. There must be a strict supervision of all banking and credits and investments. There must be an end to speculation with other people's money. And there must be provision for an adequate but sound currency.

These, my friends, are the lines of attack. I shall presently urge upon a new Congress in special session detailed measures for their fulfillment, and I shall seek the immediate assistance of the 48 States.

Through this program of action we address ourselves to putting our own national house in order and making income balance outgo. Our international trade relations, though vastly important, are in point of time, and necessity, secondary to the establishment of a sound national economy. I favor, as a practical policy, the putting of first things first. I shall spare no effort to restore world trade by international economic readjustment; but the emergency at home cannot wait on that accomplishment.

The basic thought that guides these specific means of national recovery is not nationally -- narrowly nationalistic. It is the insistence, as a first consideration, upon the interdependence of the various elements in and parts of the United States of America -- a recognition of the old and permanently important manifestation of the American spirit of the pioneer. It is the way to recovery. It is the immediate way. It is the strongest assurance that recovery will endure.

In the field of world policy, I would dedicate this Nation to the policy of the good neighbor: the neighbor who resolutely respects himself and, because he does so, respects the rights of others; the neighbor who respects his obligations and respects the sanctity of his agreements in and with a world of neighbors.

If I read the temper of our people correctly, we now realize, as we have never realized before, our interdependence on each other; that we can not merely take, but we must give as well; that if we are to go forward, we must move as a trained and loyal army willing to sacrifice for the good of a common discipline, because without such discipline no progress can be made, no leadership becomes effective.

We are, I know, ready and willing to submit our lives and our property to such discipline, because it makes possible a leadership which aims at the larger good. This, I propose to offer, pledging that the larger purposes will bind upon us, bind upon us all as a sacred obligation with a unity of duty hitherto evoked only in times of armed strife.

With this pledge taken, I assume unhesitatingly the leadership of this great army of our people dedicated to a disciplined attack upon our common problems.

Action in this image, action to this end is feasible under the form of government which we have inherited from our ancestors. Our Constitution is so simple, so practical that it is possible always to meet extraordinary needs by changes in emphasis and arrangement without loss of essential form. That is why our constitutional system has proved itself the most superbly enduring political mechanism the modern world has ever seen.

It has met every stress of vast expansion of territory, of foreign wars, of bitter internal strife, of world relations. And it is to be hoped that the normal balance of executive and legislative authority may be wholly equal, wholly adequate to meet the unprecedented task before us. But it may be that an unprecedented demand and need for undelayed action may call for temporary departure from that normal balance of public procedure.

I am prepared under my constitutional duty to recommend the measures that a stricken nation in the midst of a stricken world may require. These measures, or such other measures as the Congress may build out of its experience and wisdom, I shall seek, within my constitutional authority, to bring to speedy adoption.

But, in the event that the Congress shall fail to take one of these two courses, in the event that the national emergency is still critical, I shall not evade the clear course of duty that will then confront me. I shall ask the Congress for the one remaining instrument to meet the crisis -- broad Executive power to wage a war against the emergency, as great as the power that would be given to me if we were in fact invaded by a foreign foe.
    For the trust reposed in me, I will return the courage and the devotion that befit the time. I can do no less.

We face the arduous days that lie before us in the warm courage of national unity; with the clear consciousness of seeking old and precious moral values; with the clean satisfaction that comes from the stern performance of duty by old and young alike. We aim at the assurance of a rounded, a permanent national life.

We do not distrust the -- the future of essential democracy. The people of the United States have not failed. In their need they have registered a mandate that they want direct, vigorous action. They have asked for discipline and direction under leadership. They have made me the present instrument of their wishes. In the spirit of the gift I take it.

In this dedication -- In this dedication of a Nation, we humbly ask the blessing of God.

May He protect each and every one of us.

May He guide me in the days to come.

背景和影响

富兰克林·德·罗斯福（Franklin Delano Roosevelt 1882—1945）美国第三十二任总统（1933—1945在任）。以实施“新政”，使美国走出大萧条时代和领导美国参加二战并取得胜利而著称于世。

1933年3月4日，富兰克林·德兰诺·罗斯福就任美国第三十二届总统。罗斯福应对危机的一系列政策后来被称作“新政”（NewDeal），其核心是三个R：改革（Reform）、复兴（Recovery）和救济（Relief）。罗斯福的“新政”并非一时的权宜之计，而是一场为保证资本主义制度的稳定发展，在资本主义经济肌体内部进行的一场“伤筋动骨”的大手术。

这篇演讲充满必胜的信心，部分的消除了人们的恐慌心理，稳定了社会，这也是即将到来的“新政”的序曲。随后而至的罗斯福“新政”是20世纪资本主义发展历程中的重大事件，帮助美国的资本主义制度度过了1929—1933年的一场空前大灾难。美国的资本主义制度得救了，世界资本主义体系也缓过气来了。这就使得“新政”能够在美国历史和世界历史中获得一席之地。

参考译文

胡佛总统，首席法官先生，朋友们：

今天，对我们的国家来说，是一个神圣的日子。我肯定，同胞们都期待我在就任总统时，会像我国目前形势所要求的那样，坦率而果断地向他们讲话。现在正是坦白、勇敢地说出实话，说出全部实话的最好时刻。我们不必畏首畏尾，不老老实实面对我国今天的情况。这个伟大的国家会一如既往地坚持下去，它会复兴和繁荣起来。因此，让我首先表明我的坚定信念：我们唯一不得不害怕的就是害怕本身--一种莫名其妙、丧失理智的、毫无根据的恐惧，它把人转退为进所需的种种努力化为泡影。凡在我国生活阴云密布的时刻，坦率而有活力的领导都得到过人民的理解和支持，从而为胜利准备了必不可少的条件。我相信，在目前危急时刻，大家会再次给予同样的支持。

我和你们都要以这种精神，来面对我们共同的困难。感谢上帝，这些困难只是物质方面的。价值难以想象地贬缩了；课税增加了；我们的支付能力下降了；各级政府面临着严重的收入短缺；交换手段在贸易过程中遭到了冻结；工业企业枯萎的落叶到处可见；农场主的产品找不到销路；千家万户多年的积蓄付之东流。

更重要的是，大批失业公民正面临严峻的生存问题，还有大批公民正以艰辛的劳动换取微薄的报酬。只有愚蠢的乐天派会否认当前这些阴暗的现实。

但是，我们的苦恼决不是因为缺乏物资。我们没有遭到什么蝗虫的灾害。我们的先辈曾以信念和无畏一次次转危为安，比起他们经历过的险阻，我们仍大可感到欣慰。大自然仍在给予我们恩惠，人类的努力已使之倍增。富足的情景近在咫尺，但就在我们见到这种　情景的时候，宽裕的生活却悄然离去。这主要是因为主宰人类物资交换的统治者们失败了，他们固执己见而又无能为力，因而已经认定失败了，并撒手不管了。贪得无厌的货币兑换商的种种行径。将受到舆论法庭的起诉，将受到人类心灵理智的唾弃。

是的，他们是努力过，然而他们用的是一种完全过时的方法。面对信贷的失败，他们只是提议借出更多的钱。没有了当诱饵引诱　人民追随他们的错误领导的金钱，他们只得求助于讲道，含泪祈求人民重新给予他们信心。他们只知自我追求者们的处世规则。他们没有眼光，而没有眼光的人是要灭亡的。

如今，货币兑换商已从我们文明庙宇的高处落荒而逃。我们要以千古不变的真理来重建这座庙宇。衡量这重建的尺度是我们体现比金钱利益更高尚的社会价值的程度。

幸福并不在于单纯地占有金钱；幸福还在于取得成就后的喜悦，在于创造努力时的激情。务必不能再忘记劳动带来的喜悦和激励，而去疯狂地追逐那转瞬即逝的利润。如果这些暗淡的时日能使我们认识到，我们真正的天命不是要别人侍奉，而是为自己和同胞们服务，那么，我们付出的代价就完全是值得的。

认识到把物质财富当作成功的标准是错误的，我们就会抛弃以地位尊严和个人收益为唯一标准，来衡量公职和高级政治地位的错误信念；我们必须制止银行界和企业界的一种行为，它常常使神圣的委托混同于无情和自私的不正当行为。难怪信心在减弱，信心，只有靠诚实、信誉、忠心维护和无私履行职责。而没有这些，就不可能有信心。

但是，复兴不仅仅只要改变伦理观念。这个国家要求行动起来，现在就行动起来。

我们最大、最基本的任务是让人民投入工作。只要我信行之以智慧和勇气，这个问题就可以解决。这可以部分由政府直接征募完成，就象对待临战的紧要关头一样，但同时，在有了人手的情况下，我们还急需能刺激并重组巨大自然资源的工程。

我们齐心协力，但必须坦白地承认工业中心的人口失衡，我们必须在全国范围内重新分配，使土地在最适合的人手中发表挥更大作用。

    明确地为提高农产品价值并以此购买城市产品所做的努力，会有助于任务的完成。避免许多小家庭业、农场业被取消赎取抵押品的权利的悲剧也有助于任务的完成。联邦、州、各地政府立即行动回应要求降价的呼声，有助于任务的完成。将现在常常是分散不经济、不平等的救济活动统一起来有助于任务的完成。对所有公共交通运输，通讯及其他涉及公众生活的设施作全国性的计划及监督有助于任务的完成。许多事情都有助于任务完成，但这些决不包括空谈。我们必须行动，立即行动。

    最后，为了重新开始工作，我们需要两手防御，来抗御旧秩序恶魔卷土从来；一定要有严格监督银行业、信贷及投资的机制：一定要杜绝投机；一定要有充足而健康的货币供应。

    以上这些，朋友们，就是施政方针。我要在特别会议上敦促新国会给予详细实施方案，并且，我要向18个州请求立即的援助。

    通过行动，我们将予以我们自己一个有秩序的国家大厦，使收入大于支出。我们的国际贸易，虽然很重要，但现在在时间和必要性上，次于对本国健康经济的建立。我建议，作为可行的策略、首要事务先行。虽然我将不遗余力通过国际经济重新协调所来恢复国际贸易，但我认为国内的紧急情况无法等待这重新协调的完成。

    指导这一特别的全国性复苏的基本思想并非狭隘的国家主义。我首先考虑的是坚持美国这一整体中各部分的相互依赖性--这是对美国式的开拓精神的古老而永恒的证明的体现。这才是复苏之路，是即时之路，是保证复苏功效持久之路。

    在国际政策方面，我将使美国采取睦邻友好的政策。做一个决心自重，因此而尊重邻国的国家。做一个履行义务，尊重与他国协约的国家。

    如果我对人民的心情的了解正确的话，我想我们已认识到了我们从未认识的问题，我们是互相依存的，我们不可以只索取，我们还必须奉献。我们前进时，必须象一支训练有素的忠诚的军队，愿意为共同的原则而献身，因为，没有这些原则，就无法取得进步，领导就不可能得力。我们都已做好准备，并愿意为此原则献出生命和财产，因为这将使志在建设更美好社会的领导成为可能。我倡议，为了更伟大的目标，我们所有的人，以一致的职责紧紧团结起来。这是神圣的义务，非战乱，不停止。

    有了这样的誓言，我将毫不犹豫地承担领导伟大人民大军的任务，致力于对我们普遍问题的强攻。这样的行动，这样的目标，在我们从祖先手中接过的政府中是可行的。我们的宪法如此简单，实在。它随时可以应付特殊情况，只需对重点和安排加以修改而不丧失中心思想，正因为如此，我们的宪法体制已自证为是最有适应性的政治体制。它已应付过巨大的国土扩张、外战、内乱及国际关系所带来的压力。

    而我们还希望行使法律的人士做到充分的平等，能充分地担负前所未有的任务。但现在前所未有的对紧急行动的需要要求国民暂时丢弃平常生活节奏，紧迫起来。

    让我们正视面前的严峻岁月，怀着举国一致给我们带来的热情和勇气，怀着寻求传统的、珍贵的道德观念的明确意识，怀着老老少少都能通过克尽职守而得到的问心无愧的满足。我们的目标是要保证国民生活的圆满和长治久安。

    我们并不怀疑基本民主制度的未来。合众国人民并没有失败。他们在困难中表达了自己的委托，即要求采取直接而有力的行动。他们要求有领导的纪律和方向。他们现在选择了我作为实现他们的愿望的工具。我接受这份厚赠。

在此举国奉献之际，我们谦卑地请求上帝赐福。愿上帝保信我们大家和每一个人，愿上帝在未来的日子里指引我。

鉴赏提示

在人们充满恐惧的情况下，罗斯福的演讲最成功的地方就是满怀信心，鼓励人们的名言随处可见。请你找出一些。

第六课    请宣布对日作战

（Pearl Harbor Address to the Nation December 8th, 1941 ）

富兰克林·德·罗斯福（Franklin Delano Roosevelt）

Mr. Vice President, Mr. Speaker, Members of the Senate, and of the House of Representatives:

Yesterday, December 7th, 1941 -- a date which will live in infamy -- the United States of America was suddenly and deliberately attacked by naval and air forces of the Empire of Japan.

The United States was at peace with that nation and, at the solicitation of Japan, was still in conversation with its government and its emperor looking toward the maintenance of peace in the Pacific.

Indeed, one hour after Japanese air squadrons had commenced bombing in the American island of Oahu, the Japanese ambassador to the United States and his colleague delivered to our Secretary of State a formal reply to a recent American message. And while this reply stated that it seemed useless to continue the existing diplomatic negotiations, it contained no threat or hint of war or of armed attack.

It will be recorded that the distance of Hawaii from Japan makes it obvious that the attack was deliberately planned many days or even weeks ago. During the intervening time, the Japanese government has deliberately sought to deceive the United States by false statements and expressions of hope for continued peace.

The attack yesterday on the Hawaiian islands has caused severe damage to American naval and military forces. I regret to tell you that very many American lives have been lost. In addition, American ships have been reported torpedoed on the high seas between San Francisco and Honolulu.

Yesterday, the Japanese government also launched an attack against Malaya.

Last night, Japanese forces attacked Hong Kong.

Last night, Japanese forces attacked Guam.

Last night, Japanese forces attacked the Philippine Islands.

Last night, the Japanese attacked Wake Island.

And this morning, the Japanese attacked Midway Island.

Japan has, therefore, undertaken a surprise offensive extending throughout the Pacific area. The facts of yesterday and today speak for themselves. The people of the United States have already formed their opinions and well understand the implications to the very life and safety of our nation

As commander in chief of the Army and Navy, I have directed that all measures be taken for our defense. But always will our whole nation remember the character of the onslaught against us.

No matter how long it may take us to overcome this premeditated invasion, the American people in their righteous might will win through to absolute victory.

I believe that I interpret the will of the Congress and of the people when I assert that we will not only defend ourselves to the uttermost, but will make it very certain that this form of treachery shall never again endanger us.

Hostilities exist. There is no blinking at the fact that our people, our territory, and our interests are in grave danger.

With confidence in our armed forces, with the unbounding determination of our people, we will gain the inevitable triumph -- so help us God.

I ask that the Congress declare that since the unprovoked and dastardly attack by Japan on Sunday, December 7th, 1941, a state of war has existed between the United States and the Japanese empire.、

  背景与影响

珍珠港事件发生第二天，罗斯福在国会发表本篇演讲，美国正式参加二战。

珍珠港事件：早在1940年下半年，随着南进政策的提出，日本海军就加紧研究南方作战问题。日本南进的主要对手是拥有强大经济实力和军事实力的美国，尤其是以夏威夷珍珠港为基地的太平洋舰队，就是—支随时可以置日本海军于死地的“威慑力量”。因此，要南进就必须歼灭美国太平洋舰队主力。1941年8月，联合舰队司令官山本五十六大将正式向军令部提出偷袭珍珠港，首先打垮美国太平洋舰队，夺取西南太平洋制海权和制空权的方案。11月23日担负偷袭珍珠港任务的南云舰队分两路在千岛群岛单冠湾集结完毕，南云舰队是日本海军史上最强大的一支机动部队，有6艘航空母舰，2艘战列舰，2艘重巡洋舰，1艘轻巡洋舰，9艘驱逐舰，3艘潜艇，7艘加油轮。26日，南云舰队从单冠湾出发，踏上了偷袭珍珠港的征程。

12月8日(夏威夷时间7日，星期日)早上7时35分，日本水上侦察机报告舰队指挥部说太平洋舰队仍在珍珠港内。此时，由渊田率领的日攻击飞机已经飞到瓦胡岛上空。俯冲轰炸机升到1.2万英尺高空，向瓦胡岛俯冲下去。7时49分，渊田见美舰没有戒备，命令所有飞机发动攻击。片刻之后，渊田看到第一批鱼雷轰炸机掠过战舰区，便兴奋地发出“托拉，托拉、托拉”即“虎、虎、虎！”的密码讯号，报告袭击成功。日机空袭5分钟后，美军才发出第一次警报：“珍珠港空袭，这不是演习。”8时25分，日军第一批飞机完成轰炸后返航，半小时后，第二批飞机171架再次来临，此时，美军才以零星炮火反击，但已无济于事。9时45分，第二批日机离去，南云率日本特遣舰队返航。

在前后不到半小时的偷袭中，日军共击沉美军战列舰4艘，重创1艘，炸伤3艘，炸沉炸伤其它舰艇10余艘，击毁击伤美机347架。美军官兵死亡2408人，2000人受伤，日本只损失29架飞机以及5艘袖珍舰艇。日本偷袭珍珠港的成功，使美国太平洋舰队几乎全军覆没，它大大改变了太平洋上日美海军力量的对比，为日本南进夺取太平洋战争初期的暂时胜利提供了保证。但是，美国太平洋舰队中的3艘航空母舰因为不在珍珠港内而未遭到攻击，为美国日后重建太平洋舰队保存了基干力量。

珍珠港浓烟卷走美国孤立主义。美国珍珠港的被袭击，战争被强加到生活在另一个大陆上的美国人民头上，是因为美国在战前干涉了“国际事务”。可是，如果美国不干涉呢？也许我们中国人民最应该问这个问题的。美国是那个朝代和中国打交道的西方列强里，惟一对中国没有任何土地、军事、资源要求的国家。如果没有美国的干涉，如果没有几百万美国士兵远渡重洋的参战，如果没有美国军队在太平洋上的浴血战斗牺牲，那么，有没有世界反法西斯战争的胜利？有没有在二战结束时台湾重新回到中国人手里的一天？有没有1945年中国成为世界五强之一的一天？

参考译文

副总统先生、议长先生、各位参议员和众议员：

昨天，1941年12月7日，将称为我国的国耻日。美利坚合众国遭到了日本帝国海军、空军有预谋的突然袭击。          

在此之前，美国同日本处于和平状态，并应日本之请同该国政府及天皇谈判，指望维持太平洋区域的和平。日本空军部队在美国的瓦胡岛开始轰炸一小时后，日本驻美大使及其同僚居然还向美国国务卿递交正式复函，回答美国最近致日本的一封函件。这份文件虽然声言目前的外交谈判已无继续之必要，但却未有威胁的言词，也没有暗示将发动战争或采取军事行动。

    夏威夷岛距离日本颇远，说明此次袭击显然是许多天前甚至几星期前所策划的，此事将记录在案。在此期间，日本政府有意用虚伪的声明和表示继续保持和平的愿望欺骗美国。

    日本昨天对夏威夷群岛的袭击，给美国海、陆军造成了严重的破坏。我遗憾地告诉你们：许许多多美国人被炸死。同时，据报告，若干艘美国船只在旧金山和火奴鲁鲁之间的公海上被水雷击中。

    昨天，日本政府还发动了对马来亚的袭击。

    昨夜日本部队袭击了香港。

    昨夜日本部队袭击了关岛。

    昨夜日本部队袭击了菲律宾群岛。

    昨夜日本部队袭击了威克岛。

    今晨日本人袭击了中途岛。

    这样，日本就在整个太平洋区域发动了全面的突然袭击。昨天和今天的情况已说明了事实的真相。美国人民已经清楚地了解到这是关系我国存亡安危的问题。作为海、陆军总司令，我已指令采取一切手段进行防御。

我们将永远记住对我们这次袭击的性质。无论需要多长时间去击败这次预谋的侵略，美国人民正义在手，有力量夺取彻底的胜利。

    我保证我们将完全确保我们的安全，确保我们永不再受到这种背信弃义行为的危害，我相信这话说出了国会和人民的意志。

    大敌当前。我国人民、领土和利益正处于极度危险的状态，我们决不可闭目不视。

    我们相信我们的军队，我们的人民有无比坚定的决心，因此，胜利必定属于我们。愿上帝保佑我们。

     我要求国会宣布：由于日本在1941年12月7日星期日对我国无故进行卑鄙的袭击，美国同日本已经处于战争状态。

鉴赏提示

大战在即，罗斯福以镇定和坚决鼓舞了美国军民的意志。他的排比句更让国人意识到日本已严重威胁本国利益，非战胜日本不可。美国彻底地摆脱了立国以来的孤立主义，加入到反法西斯的阵线中来了。请你讲讲珍珠港事件后，美国为二战胜利做出了哪些贡献？

第七课    杜鲁门主义

（"The Truman Doctrine" 12 March 1947）

哈瑞·杜鲁门 （Harry S. Truman）

before a Joint Session of Congress

Mr. President, Mr. Speaker, Members of the Congress of the United States:

    The gravity of the situation which confronts the world today necessitates my appearance before a joint session of the Congress. The foreign policy and the national security of this country are involved. One aspect of the present situation, which I present to you at this time for your consideration and decision, concerns Greece and Turkey. The United States has received from the Greek Government an urgent appeal for financial and economic assistance. Preliminary reports from the American Economic Mission now in Greece and reports from the American Ambassador in Greece corroborate the statement of the Greek Government that assistance is imperative if Greece is to survive as a free nation.

I do not believe that the American people and the Congress wish to turn a deaf ear to the appeal of the Greek Government. Greece is not a rich country. Lack of  sufficient natural resources has always forced the Greek people to work hard to make both ends meet. Since 1940, this industrious, peace loving country has suffered invasion, four years of cruel enemy occupation, and bitter internal strife.

    When forces of liberation entered Greece they found that the retreating Germans had destroyed virtually all the railways, roads, port facilities, communications, and merchant marine. More than a thousand villages had been burned. Eighty-five percent of the children were tubercular. Livestock, poultry, and draft animals had almost disappeared. Inflation had wiped out practically all savings. As a result of these tragic conditions, a militant minority, exploiting human want and misery, was able to create political chaos which, until now, has made economic recovery impossible.

      Greece is today without funds to finance the importation of those goods which are essential to bare subsistence. Under these circumstances, the people of Greece cannot make progress in solving their problems of reconstruction. Greece is in desperate need of financial and economic assistance to enable it to resume purchases of food, clothing, fuel, and seeds. These are indispensable for the subsistence of its people and are obtainable only from abroad. Greece must have help to import the goods necessary to restore internal order and security, so essential for economic and political recovery. The Greek Government has also asked for the assistance of experienced American administrators, economists, and technicians to insure that the financial and other aid given to Greece shall be used effectively in creating a stable and self-sustaining economy and in improving its public administration.

    The very existence of the Greek state is today threatened by the terrorist activities of several thousand armed men, led by Communists, who defy the government's authority at a number of points, particularly along the northern boundaries. A Commission appointed by the United Nations security

    Council is at present investigating disturbed conditions in northern Greece and alleged border violations along the frontiers between Greece on the one hand and Albania, Bulgaria, and Yugoslavia on the other. Meanwhile, the Greek Government is unable to cope with the situation. The Greek army is small and poorly equipped. It needs supplies and equipment if it is to restore authority of the government throughout Greek territory. Greece must have assistance if it is to become a self-supporting and self-respecting democracy. The United States must supply this assistance. We have already extended to Greece certain types of relief and economic aid. But these are inadequate. There is no other country to which democratic Greece can turn. No other nation is willing and able to provide the necessary support for a democratic Greek government.

The British Government, which has been helping Greece, can give no further financial or economic aid after March 31st. Great Britain finds itself under the necessity of reducing or liquidating its commitments in several parts of the world, including Greece.

    We have considered how the United Nations might assist in this crisis. But the situation is an urgent one, requiring immediate action, and the United Nations and its related organizations are not in a position to extend help of the kind that is required. It is important to note that the Greek Government has asked for our aid in utilizing effectively the financial and other assistance we may give to Greece, and in improving its public administration. It is of the utmost importance that we supervise the use of any funds made available to Greece in such a manner that each dollar spent will count toward making Greece self-supporting, and will help to build an economy in which a healthy democracy can flourish.

    No government is perfect. One of the chief virtues of a democracy, however, is that its defects are always visible and under democratic processes can be pointed out and corrected. The Government of Greece is not perfect. Nevertheless it represents eighty-five percent of the members of the Greek Parliament who were chosen in an election last year. Foreign observers, including 692 Americans, considered this election to be a fair expression of the views of the Greek people.

    The Greek Government has been operating in an atmosphere of chaos and extremism. It has made mistakes. The extension of aid by this country does not mean that the United States condones everything that the Greek

    Government has done or will do. We have condemned in the past, and we condemn now, extremist measures of the right or the left. We have in the past advised tolerance, and we advise tolerance now.

    Greek's [sic] neighbor, Turkey, also deserves our attention. The future of Turkey, as an independent and economically sound state, is clearly no less important to the freedom-loving peoples of the world than the future of Greece. The circumstances in which Turkey finds itself today are considerably different from those of Greece. Turkey has been spared the disasters that have beset Greece. And during the war, the United States and Great Britain furnished Turkey with material aid.

    Nevertheless, Turkey now needs our support. Since the war, Turkey has sought additional financial assistance from Great Britain and the United States for the purpose of effecting that modernization necessary for the maintenance of its national integrity. That integrity is essential to the preservation of order in the Middle East. The British government has informed us that, owing to its own difficulties, it can no longer extend financial or economic aid to Turkey. As in the case of Greece, if Turkey is to have the assistance it needs, the United States must supply it. We are the only country able to provide that help.

    I am fully aware of the broad implications involved if the United States extends assistance to Greece and Turkey, and I shall discuss these implications with you at this time. One of the primary objectives of the foreign policy of the United States is the creation of conditions in which we and other nations will be able to work out a way of life free from coercion. This was a fundamental issue in the war with Germany and Japan.

    Our victory was won over countries which sought to impose their will, and  their way of life, upon other nations. To ensure the peaceful development of nations, free from coercion, the United States has taken a leading part in establishing the United Nations.

    The United Nations is designed to make possible lasting freedom and independence for all its members. We shall not realize our objectives, however, unless we are willing to help free peoples to maintain their free institutions and their national integrity against aggressive movements that seek to impose upon them totalitarian regimes. This is no more than a frank recognition that totalitarian regimes imposed upon free peoples, by direct or indirect aggression, undermine the foundations of international peace, and hence the security of the United States.

    The peoples of a number of countries of the world have recently had totalitarian regimes forced upon them against their will. The Government of the United States has made frequent protests against coercion and intimidation in violation of the Yalta agreement in Poland, Rumania, and Bulgaria. I must also state that in a number of other countries there have been similar developments.

    At the present moment in world history nearly every nation must choose between alternative ways of life. The choice is too often not a free one. One way of life is based upon the will of the majority, and is distinguished by free institutions, representative government, free elections, guarantees of individual liberty, freedom of speech and religion, and freedom from political oppression. The second way of life is based upon the will of a minority forcibly imposed upon the majority. It relies upon terror and oppression, a controlled press and radio, fixed elections, and the suppression of personal freedoms. I believe that it must be the policy of the United States to support free peoples who are resisting attempted subjugation by armed minorities or by outside pressures.

    I believe that we must assist free peoples to work out their own destinies in their own way. I believe that our help should be primarily through economic and financial aid which is essential to economic stability and orderly political processes.

    The world is not static, and the status quo is not sacred. But we cannot allow changes in the status quo in violation of the Charter of the United Nations by such methods as coercion, or by such subterfuges as political infiltration. In helping free and independent nations to maintain their freedom, the United States will be giving effect to the principles of the Charter of the United Nations. It is necessary only to glance at a map to realize that the survival and integrity of the Greek nation are of grave importance in a much wider situation. If Greece should fall under the control of an armed minority, the effect upon its neighbor, Turkey, would be immediate and serious.

    Confusion and disorder might well spread throughout the entire Middle East. Moreover, the disappearance of Greece as an independent state would have a profound effect upon those countries in Europe whose peoples are struggling against great difficulties to maintain their freedoms and their independence while they repair the damages of war.

     It would be an unspeakable tragedy if these countries, which have struggled so long against overwhelming odds, should lose that victory for  which they sacrificed so much. Collapse of free institutions and loss of independence would be disastrous not only for them but for the world.

    Discouragement and possibly failure would quickly be the lot of neighboring peoples striving to maintain their freedom and independence. Should we fail to aid Greece and Turkey in this fateful hour, the effect  will be far reaching to the West as well as to the East.

    We must take immediate and resolute action. I therefore ask the Congress to provide authority for assistance to Greece and Turkey in the amount of $400,000,000 for the period ending June 30, 1948. In requesting these funds, I have taken into consideration the maximum amount of relief assistance which would be furnished to Greece out of the $350,000,000 which I recently requested that the Congress authorize for the prevention of starvation and suffering in countries devastated by the war.

    In addition to funds, I ask the Congress to authorize the detail of American civilian and military personnel to Greece and Turkey, at the request of those countries, to assist in the tasks of reconstruction, and for the purpose of supervising the use of such financial and material assistance as may be furnished. I recommend that authority also be provided for the instruction and training of selected Greek and Turkish personnel. Finally, I ask that the Congress provide authority which will permit the speediest and most effective use, in terms of needed commodities, supplies, and equipment, of such funds as may be authorized.

    If further funds, or further authority, should be needed for the purposes indicated in this message, I shall not hesitate to bring the situation before the Congress. On this subject the Executive and Legislative branches of the Government must work together.

    This is a serious course upon which we embark. I would not recommend it except that the alternative is much more serious. The United States contributed $341,000,000,000 toward winning World War II. This is an investment in world freedom and world peace. The assistance that I am recommending for Greece and Turkey amounts to little more than 1 tenth of 1 percent of this investment. It is only common sense that we should safeguard this investment and make sure that it was not in vain. The seeds of totalitarian regimes are nurtured by misery and want. They spread and grow in the evil soil of poverty and strife. They reach their full growth when the hope of a people for a better life has died.

    We must keep that hope alive.

    The free peoples of the world look to us for support in maintaining their freedoms. If we falter in our leadership, we may endanger the peace of the  world. And we shall surely endanger the welfare of this nation.

    Great responsibilities have been placed upon us by the swift movement of events.

I am confident that the Congress will face these responsibilities squarely.

    背景及影响

    哈瑞．杜鲁门（Harry S. Truman 1884—1973）美国第三十三任总统（945—1953在任）。领导美国结束二战，提出“杜鲁门主义”，对抗苏联，积极谋求世界霸权。

 这是哈瑞．杜鲁门总统一九四七年三月十二日致国会的咨文，关于发表该咨文的直接背景，已在文中得到阐明。美国支持自由国家抵御“极权政体”的观念，被普遍地认为是美国外交政策上的一个新的急剧转变，其对全世界的影响相当于一八二三年宣布西半球不再受欧洲殖民主义支配的罗门主义。是美国对抗苏联，积极谋求世界霸权的新开端，对战后的“冷战”格局产生深远影响。

参考译文

杜鲁门主义

哈瑞．杜鲁门

今天全世界面临的局势之严重，促使我不得不出席国会的两院联席会议。这里将谈到我国的外交政策和国家安全的问题。

我这想请你们考虑和决定现今情势中的一个局面，它是跟土耳其和希腊有关的。美国业已接到希腊政府有关财政和经济援助的紧急要求……

今天希腊这个国家的生存，受到共产党领导的数千武装人员恐怖活动的威胁，他们在很多地点，特别是沿着希腊北部边境，对抗政府的管辖……

希腊如果要成为一个自立自尊的民主国家，必须要有援助。而美国必须给予这种援助。我们已经给予希腊某种救济和经援，可是还不够。民主希腊没有别的国家可以求助了。也没有别的国家愿意并能够为民主希腊政府提供所需要的支持……

希腊的邻邦－－土耳其，也值得我们关注。土耳其将来要成为一个独立的和经济上健全的国家，这一前途，对于全世界爱好自由的各民族来说，其重要性显然不亚于希腊的前途……

土耳其在战后，曾向英国和美国要求更多的财政援助，目的在推行维持它的国家完整所必需的现代化规划。土耳其的国家完整，对于中东秩序的维持，是必不可少的……

正如希腊的情形一样，如果土耳其要得到它所需的援助，就得由美国供给它。我们是能够提供那种援助的唯一国家……

美国外交政策的主要目标之一，就是要造成一种局势，俾使我们和其它国家都能塑造出一种免于威胁的生活方式。在对德国和日本作战中，这是一个基本问题。我们的胜利乃是战胜那些想把其意志和生活方式强加在别国头上的国家。

为了保障各国和平发展，不受威胁，美国力主建立联合国。联合国的建立，在于使它的所有会员国都能享有永久的自由和独立。除非我们愿意帮助各自由民族维护他们的自由制度和国家完整，对抗把极权政制强加于他们的那些侵略行动，否则我们将无从实现我们的各项目标。通过直接或间接的侵略强加在自由民族头上的极权政制，破坏了国际和平的基础，因而也破坏了美国的安全，这是显而易见的。

世界上许多国家的人民近来在违反其意愿的情况下，被迫接受极权政制。美国政府曾经屡次提出抗议，抗议在波兰、罗马尼亚和保加利亚使用压力和威胁，因为这违犯了雅尔塔协议。我还须指出，许多别的国家，也有相似的发展。

在世界历史的现阶段，几乎每一个民族都必须在两种生活方式之中选择其一。这种选择大都不是自由的选择。

一种生活方式是基于多数人的意志，其特点为自由制度，代议制政府，自由选举，个人自由之保障，言论与信仰之自由，免于政治压迫。

第二种生活方式基于强加予多数人头上的少数人意志。它所依靠的是恐怖和压迫，操纵下的报纸和广播，内定的选举和对个人自由之压制。

我相信，美国的政策必须是支持各自由民族，他们抵抗着企图征服他们的掌握武装的少数人或外来的压力。

我相信，我们必须帮助自由民族通过他们自己的方式来安排自己的命运。

我相信，我们的帮助主要是通过经济和财政的支持，这对于经济安定和有秩序的政治进程来说，是必要的。

世界不是静止的，而现状也不是神圣不可侵犯的。可是我们不能听任用诸如胁迫一类方法，或政治渗透一类诡计，违反联合国宪章来改变现状。美国帮助自由和独立的民族去维护他们的自由，将有助于联合国宪章的原则发挥作用。

我们只须看着地图，就明白希腊这个国家的生存和完整，从范围远为广大的局面看来，是非常重要的。如果希腊陷于掌握武装的少数人控制下，对它的邻国土耳其，就会有直接和严重的影响。混乱和骚动就可能遍布整个中东。

况且，欧洲有些国家的人民，一方面在治疗战时的疮痍，一方面排除万难，努力奋斗，维护他们的自由和独立，如果独立的希腊一旦消灭，对这些国家也会有严重的影响。

如果这些在非常不利的情势下奋斗已久的国家，居然失去他们为之付出重大感性的胜利成果，那真是难以言喻的悲剧。自由制度的崩溃和独立的丧失，不仅对于他们，而且对于全世界，都是一场灾难。那些正在竭力维护自由和独立的毗邻民族，很快就会为之气馁，还可能陷于失败。

如果我们在这个关系重大的时期不去帮助希腊和土耳其，其影响不仅殃及西方，而且远及东方。我们必须采取立即的和果断的行动……

极权政制的种子，是靠悲惨和匮乏滋养发育的。它们在贫穷和动乱的灾难土地上蔓延滋长。当一个民族对于较好生活的希望绝灭之后，这类种子便会长大成株。我们一定要使那种希望存在下去。全世界的自由人民期待我们支持他们维护自由。

如果我们在起领导作用方面迟疑不决，我们可能危及世界和平－－而且一定会危及本国的繁荣昌盛。……

鉴赏提示

从中国人角度看，杜鲁门讲的有道理吗？有哪些证据？事实证明谁对？